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amp any". 



SEYMOUR and BLAIR 



THEIR 



LIVES AND SERVICES 



WITH AN APPENDIX CONTAINIKQ A HISTORY OF 



RECONSTRUCTION 



By DAVID G. CROLY 

OF ""THE NEPT YORK IVORLD" 







NEW YORK. 

RICHARDSON AND COMPANY 

4 BOND STREET 



Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1868, by 

KICIIARDSON AND COMPANY, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the 
Southern District of New York. 



PEEFACE. 



In the compilation of this work, I have had the following 
aims in view : — 

1. To give a truthful and accurate resume of the personal 
and political careers of Hon. Horatio Seymour and General 
Francis P. Blair, Jr., the Democratic candidates for President 
and Vice-President in the contest of 1868. 

2. To state fairly and succinctly the issues now hefore the 
country, upon which the people are asked to give their verdict 
next November. 

8. To deal honestly by my readers, making no unfair appeals 
to passion or prejudice, giving currency to no doubtful state- 
ments merely because they might damage the Republican 
party or its candidates, at the same time claiming no more for 
the Democratic party, its platform and ticket, than I think is 
honestly their due. Wherever it has been possible, I have 
made use of Governor Seymour's public utterances to explain 
his views. 

In short, my design has been to compile a book, which, 
while it will be a storehouse of facts invaluable to Democrats 
during the campaign, will yet .be so candid in its spirit, and 
careful in its statements, that no fair-minded citizen, of any 
party, will be repelled from reading it. Such a work, I humbly 
conceive, will be far more eftective as a means of proselyting 
inquiring or wavering Republicans, than one tilled with strong 
party appeals, and abounding in the reckless charges so com- 
mon in the prints usually put forth by political parties upon 
the eve of important elections. 



4 PREFACE. 

The contest has opened very bitterly. ISTor is this surprising. 
There are vast material interests at stake. A question of race- 
superiority is involved, while the passions and prejudices gen- 
erated during the war have been stimulated into a new life, so 
as to affect the result. It is the duty, however, of the great 
body of the American people, who are neither office-holders 
nor ofSce-seekers, whose only concern is to see our financial 
system reformed, the revenues collected, and the Union restored 
in its integrity, to discountenance these exhibitions of party 
folly and fury, and address themselves to the task of discussing 
the candidates and the issues of the campaign temperately and 
candidly, in order that a wise and honest verdict may be given 
at the polls next November. To this class the following work 
is respectfully addressed and dedicated. 

Many of the facts, and all the speeches, orders, messages, 
and documents, are taken directly from Governor Seymour's 
private papers, to which he has been kind enough to allow me 
access, and from which, for lack of space, I have been able 
to make only such extracts as are absolutely essential to a 
fair exhibit of his career as a public man. His official secre- 
taries have also given me valuable assistance. So far, this 
work may be considered authorized. But for the language 
used, opinions expressed, statements made, as well as the ar- 
rangement of the matter, I am wholly responsible. 

Whatever shortcomings may be noticed in the composition 
of this work, can easily be accounted for when it is known 
that it was written within a week, and that week the warmest 
known in the history of the country. 

For valuable assistance in the preparation of the work, I am 
indebted to Messrs. Salem Butcher, Henry E. Sweetser, A. 0. 
Wheeler, St. Clair McKelway, and Iliram Calkins — all mem- 
bers of the World Editorial Staff. 

DAVID G. CPvOLY. 

July 17, 1868. 



CONTEKTS. 



LIFE OF HON". HORATIO SEYMOUR. 



CILA.PTBB PAOE 

I. — Ancestry and Early Life 1 

XL — Social, Literary, and Farm Life 15 

IIL — His Legislative Career 25 

IV. — Mr. Seymour's Election as Governor 30 

Y. — The Term of 1853-54 — Yeto of the Liquor Law 

AND Roving CoiiMissioN Act — Anecdotes 33 

YI. — Election op 1854 43 

YII. — Gov. Seymour's Springfield Speech — The Dejio- 

CRATic Theory of Government 47 

YIII. — From 1854 to 1861 — Cincinnati Convention 6G 

IX. — The Breaking out op the War Vl 

X.— Election op 18G2 17 

XL— Message of 1863, and Invasion of Pennsylvania. 92 

XII. — The Conspiracy against New York 101 

XIII. — Measures for the Relief of Soldiers — Negro 

Recruiting US 

XIY. — Gov, Seymour's Efforts to procure the Soldiers 
the Right op Voting, and to protect them 
against Fraud 124 



6 CONTENTS. 

OUAPTER PAGE 

XY. — The Outrage on the New York State Agents — 
Their Arrest, and Long Incarceration ant) 

Subsequent Acquittal and Vindication ]31 

XVI. — Proclamations during the War 138 

XYII. — Prison Discipline 141 

XVIIL— Public Faith 145 

XIX. — Governor Seymour and the Western States ]49 

XX. — Gov. Seymour and the Interests of Labor 154 

XXL— The Election of 1864 156 

XXII. — Gov. Seymour's Cooper Institute Speech of 1886. 160 

XXIII. — Speech of the Convention of 1867 163 

XXIV. — The National Democratic Convention 180 

XXV. — The Democratic Party and Horatio Seymour 193 

XXVI. — Horatio Seymour as a Man, an Opw^-Tor, and a 

Statesman 205 

XXVII. — Looking ahead — Result of the Election 208 



LIFE OF GEN. FRANCIS P. BLAIR, Je. 



CHAPTER TAGS 

I. — His Birth, Boyhood, and Early History 219 

II. — His Professional and Early Political Career — He 

Leads the Free Soil Movement 227 

III.— His War Record 234 

IV. — His Recent Political History 247 

Appendix 255 



LIFE OF 
HOK". HOEATIO SETMOUE. 



CHAPTEE I. 

ANCESTRY AND EAELT LIFE. 

The Seymour family were among the earliest 
settlers of Hartford, Connecticut. Eichard Seymour, 
as we find in the preserved history of that place, 
figured extensively in its primitive struggles. The 
history of the family, however, assumed a broader 
character with Major Moses Seymour, the fourth- 
lineal descendant of Eichard, and grandfather of the 
subject of our memoir, who was born in 1742. 

Early in the war of the Eevolution, he was com- 
missioned as captain of the troop of horse attached 
to the Seventeenth Eegiment, Connecticut militia, 
and took an active part in the principal events of the 
war. He distinguished himself in the decisive battle 
which culminated in the surrender of Burgoyne, 
and in the establishment of American Independence. 

Major Seymour had five sons and a daughter. 
In the " History of Litchfield " we read :— " Of these 
five sons, one became distinguished as a financier 
and bank president ; two became high sheriffs of 
this county ; one was a representative, senator, and 



8 HON. HORATIO SEYlilOUR. 

canal commissioner in the State of 'New York ; and 
one was for twelve years a United States Senator 
from Yermont — the most remarkable family of sons 
ever raised in Litchfield. The daughter, Clarissa Sey- 
mour, married the Hev. Freeman Marsh, for many 
years rector of St. Michael's Church, in this town." 

Among the relatives of Governor Seymour, well 
know^n in public life, may be mentioned his uncle, 
Horatio Seymour, LL. D, of Middlebury, Yt., who 
was a member 'of the State council from 1809 to 
1816, and of the United States Senate from 1821 to 
1833, and Origin S. Se^ymour, at present a judge of 
the Superior Court of Connecticut, and for many 
years Speaker of the House of Hepresentatives of tliat 
State, and Member of Congress. He was the demo- 
cratic candidate for governor a few years since. 
Col. Thomas H. Seymour, late governor of Con- 
necticut, and formerly United States Minister to 
Ivussia, is a cousin, and was the classmate of 
Horatio. General Seymour, of the United States 
Army, is also a relative, as was the late Hon. David 
L. Seymour, of Troy, N. Y. 

No less distinguished and patriotic were his ma- 
ternal ancestry. His grandfather on that side was 
Lieut.-Col. Forman, of the First New Jersey Regi- 
ment in the Revolutionary Army. His grandmother 
was a niece of Col. William Ledyard, who com- 
manded at Groton when that place was sacked and 
burned by British and tories under command of the 
notorious Arnold, on the 6th of September, 1781, 
and where the Ledyard family was nearly extir- 
pated. It is said that Arnold stood in the belfry of 



«*5 



HIS ANCESTRY. 9 

a clmrcli, while the town was burning, and looked 
upon tlie scene with the satisfaction of a Nero. 
After the place surrendered, Major Bromiield, a 
jSTew Jersey tory, a,t the head of a band of blood- 
thirsty savages, entered the fort, and demanded, 
" Who commands this garrison ?" Col. Ledyard, 
who was standing by, mildly replied, " I did, sir, 
but you do now," at the same time handing his 
sword to the victor. The tory miscreant, says the 
historian, immediately murdered Ledyard running 
him through the body with the weaj^on , he had 
just surrendered. 

Governor Seymour as the lineal descendant of 
Col. Forman, is now a member of the ancient and 
honorable Society of the Cincinnati. Col. Forman 
spent all his property in support of the Revolu- 
tionary cause. At the close of the war he moved 
to Cazenovia, N. Y., and received a commission as 
a general of this State, signed by the governor. 

Henry, the father of Horatio, was born in 1780, 
and soon after reaching his majority removed to 
Onondaga County, in the State of Kew York, then 
little better than a wilderness. 

On May 31, 1810, was born their son, the 
subject of our biography ; and about nine years 
after, the family removed to Utica. Mr. Hefiry 
Seymour, then in the heyday of life, was al- 
ready conspicuous in those greater interests of the 
common \vealth which need ])ractical wisdom and 
l^ersonal character in their development and trust. 
He was one of the earliest and most efficient canal 
commissioners, a colleague of Dewitt Clinton, was 
1* ' 



10 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

member of the council of appointment, major of 
Utica, representative and senator, and was president 
of the Farmers' Loan and Trust Company, in all 
of which positions he exhibited fidelity and talent. 

The Seymour family have always been distin- 
guished for their ability, and renowned for their 
patriotism. Democratic by education, by tradition, 
and by instinct, there is no variableness nor shad- 
ows of turning in their political history and relation- 
ships. In Connecticut, they were ever among the 
most advanced of the liberal party, bravely resisting 
the blue-laws and church rites, i imposed upon the 
State by the early Puritans. It was in this contest 
that the democratic party of that State had its origin ; 
and with it in Connecticut grew up the Methodist, 
Episcopal, and other anti-Puritan churches. In 
that State, as elsewhere, democracy and liberal 
^Christianity, have ever gone hand in hand, — and 
Horatio Seymour was educated in, and has grown 
up a iirm believer in the faith of each. The State 
has no more consistent Christian. Associations and 
physical surroundings have much to do with forming 
the intellectual and moral character. The curious 
in such n\jitters, in contemplating the pure character, 
commanding intellect, and lofty patriotism of Horatio 
Seymour, will not fail to connect him with the many 
strong men that have sprung from Litchiield, the 
liome of his ancestry; with the Wolcotts, the Tal- 
madges, the Masons, the Sedgwick s, the Pierponts, 
the Kirbys, and others that will occur to tlie intel- 
ligent reader. 

Onondaga County, New York, the birthplace 



AT SCHOOL. 11 

of Governor Seymour, was settled by men of a 
very high order. One of the first tilings done 
by the pioneer settlers was to mortgage their lands 
in order to raise funds for the erection and en- 
dowment of an academy. In this academy Ho- 
ratio Seymour received the rudiments of his educa- 
tion. Few academies can boast a nobler body of 
students. The Jeromes, the Marshes, the Litchfields, 
the Sedgwicks, Fargoes, Charles Mason (late Com- 
missioner of Patents, who graduated at West Point, 
first of a class in which Robert E. Lee stood second), 
Senator Williams, of Oregon, Elliot, the painter, and 
Palmer, the sculptor, were students here. Pompey 
Hill was also the home of the distinguished lawyers, 
Daniel Gote, and Victory Birdseye, and among many 
successful business men who came from there were 
John H. Yelverton, and Erastus Partridge, of Seneca 
Falls, two of the most eminent and successful bankers 
in the State. Mr. Partridge frequently speaks of his 
early days at this place, and of his favorable recol- 
lection of Governor Seymour and his distinguished 
father and estimable and accomplished mother. 

At the ao-e of ten, he was sent to the Oxford 
Academy, then one of the foremost educational insti- 
tutions of the State, where he remained for two or 
more years in the family and under the instruction 
of the late David H. Prentice, a most successful 
educator, who, as principal of the Oxford Academy, 
and subsequently as a leading professor in Geneva 
(now Ilobart) College, gave the impression of his 
virtues and ability to many of the leading minds of 
the country. Governor Seymour preceded his dis- 



12 HON. HOKA.TIO SEYMOUR. 

tinguislied hitor from Oxford to Geneva, and spent 
two years of his scliool-life in tMt beautiful village, 
amid tlie wild, romantic, and almost classical scenery 
of the lovely Seneca, — tlie finest of all the lakes 
wliicli adorn and beautify tl.'.e landscape of AVestern 
ISTew York. 

From Geneva, the subject of this sketch went 4>'» 
the Military Academy at Middletown, Connecticut, 
then under the able management of Captain Part- 
ridge. It was probably the discipline of this school, 
that matured Governor Seymour's mind, wdiile it 
gave to his person that elegance of style, which has 
always rendered him a marked man in any popular 
assemblage. Here too he acquired his taste for 
philosophical and out-door pursuits, which have 
ever been among his leading characteristics. Here 
were laid broad and deep the foundations of that 
strong, intellectual and moral development which 
has made Governor Seymour the polished gentle- 
man, the graceful orator, as well as the foremost 
statesman of his day and country. 

After graduating at this Military Academy, where 
his cousin, the Hon. Thomas H. Sejnnour, of Con- 
necticut, was his classmate, Governor Seymour, re- 
turned to Utica, New York, and entered upon tlie 
study of the law, under the guidance of these cele- 
brated jurists, Greene C. Bronson and Samuel 
Beardsley, then in their prime. These men ranked 
among tlie legal giants of those days. They each 
subsequently filled the highest judicial posts in their 
State, besides leaving their mark on the legislation 
and jurisprudence of the nation. 



ADMITTED TO THE BAK. " 13 

After a tliorougli preparation, Governor Seymour 
was admitted an attorney and counselor of tlie Su- 
])renie Court of the State of j^ew York, as a member 
of the Oneida bar. About tliis time his marriage 
occurred with Mar v. the daus-hter of John K. Bleeker, 
of Albany. 

The cares of business soon after thrown upon him, 
tended, rather than political pursuits, to withdraw 
him from the practice of a profession, to which he 
was so well adapted, and in which he was so certain 
of success. It is said of him, by those who know 
him well, both as a lawyer and subsequently as a 
business man, that his adaptation to business, and his 
dispatch were remarkable, showing, as has been 
remarked, his versatility of talent — eminent at the 
bar, in the forum, the senate, the counting-room, and 
the executive chamber. 

When the late William L. Marcy became gov- 
ernor of J^ew York, and Martin Yan Buren was at 
the head of affairs, state and national, the keen eye 

* 

of Mr. Yan Buren espied in young Seymour the ele- 
ments of a great popular leader, and at his special 
iiistance, Governor Marcy placed Horatio Seymour 
— then just arrived at man's estate — upon his staff, 
and made him his Military Secretary, in which 
position he naturally became his confidential friend. 
The intimate peisonal relations thus established 
between Mr. Seymour and Governor Marcy, and 
the other great leaders of the then triumphant 
democracy, continued unbroken until the death 
of ■ Governor Marcy. During this time, Horatio 
Seymour acquired an intimate knowledge of public 



14: HON. HORATIO SEYMOIJE. 

men and public affairs, and also cultivated and 
matured his literary tastes. Few men possessed the 
genial scholarship and masterly ability of Governor 
Marcy, and at this perennial spring of logic and of 
knowledge, Horatio Seymour freely drank. He re- 
tained Marcy's confidence to the end, and the latter 
never failed to urge his favorite pupil to devote him- 
self more entirely to public affairs. Secretary Marcy 
and President Buchanan each expressed a wish to 
send Governor Seymour abroad in an honorable 
diplomatic position, but their offers, though highly 
appreciated, were declined. 

It has been remarked by many that Governor Sey- 
mour in his mode of treating public questions, is very 
like Governor Marcy. An intimate and active corre- 
spondence was ever kept up between them. Governor 
Seymour was Marcy's spokesman in the National Con- 
vention of 1852 ; and shortly before the death of the 
latter he sent for Seymour, to visit him at Balleston 
Spa, where they had a long interview, in the course 
of which the political history and condition of 
the country was thoroughly canvassed ; and the 
dvino* statesman urs-ed Sevmonr to continue and com- 

•.CD Of/ 

plete that great work of conciliation and national 
development which Marcy had so well begun. The 
words of wisdom which were uttered upon that 
occasion the world can never know, but they sank 
deep into the mind and heart of the appreciative 
auditor, and now form a part of that store-house 
of statesmanship upon which the present champion 
of Democracy so copiously draws. 



CHAPTEK II. 

. SOCIAL, LITERA.ET, AND FARM LIFE. 
Notwithstanding Governor Seymour's opportuni- 
ties and acquirements as a politician, he has never 
been a mere party man. His statesmanship has 
been on a more elevated plane, and he has only 
appeared in public when the public voice called him 
-when the public good required his services-and 
when duty left him no alternative but to yield. In 
the pursuit of polite and classic literature-m the 
cultivation of the higher arts-in the quiet discharge 
of social duties-in devising ways for the promotion 
of aoTiculture, of popular education, and ot sound 
morriity-he has always taken the greatest dehglit 
His zeal as a sportsman, in the true sense ot that 
term, has always been keen and appreciative ihe 
great North Woods of Northern New lork have 
been to him a familiar and pleasant retreat ; its lakes, 
its rivers, and its almost impenetrable forest-recesses, 
are to him as familiar as the school-room-they have 
been the school-room of his maturer years; but 
they have not been the limit of his wanderings He 
has roamed yearly over the prairies of the tar A\ est, 
penetrated the wilds of the upper and lower Mis- 
sissippi, and is almost as familiarly known to the 
hardy inhabitants of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and 
Nebraska as to tho citizens of his own New lork. 



16 HON. HOKATIO SEYMOUR. 

Miicli of his time lias been devoted to agriculture, 
and his hirge and beautiful home-farm on the northern 
bank of the Mohawk, opposite the city of Utica, has 
been the scene of many useful and practical experi- 
ments, which in his various addresses before different 
agricultural societies, State and county, have been 
given to the w^orld. He is President of the Ameri- 
can Dairymen's Association, and has done much to 
direct the attention of the farmers of the South and 
West to this branch of domestic industry. No less 
ardent has been his devotion to the educational 
interests of his State. lie has long been an active 
trustee of Hamilton College, and his address upon the 
induction of President Fisher, and on various other 
occasions, and particularly his remarks at Albany 
before the Ilegents of the University, upon the edu- 
cational system of the State, show a familiarity with 
the subject, and an enthusiasm in the cause, that 
commend their author to the consideration and con- 
fidence of the friends of popular education throughout 
the land. In this connection the attention of 
the reader is called to his eloquent address before 
the Mercantile Libraiy Association of the city of 
New York, and his no less eloquent lecture before 
the New York Geological and Statistical Society, 
upon the history and topography of his native State. 
Both are remarkable productions, and should be 
studied by every one who w^ould acquire an intimate 
knowledo:e of the historv and characteristics of the 
Empire State, or would nourish and cherish a proper 
pride of country. On reading the latter, Governor 



HIS TATITY AND ECCLESIASTICAL RELATIONS. 17 

Marcy, tlieii Secretary of State of the United States, 
addressed its author the following note : — 

"Washington', April 1?>. 
My Dear Governor — I have received your lecture on the topog- 
raphy and history of jSJ'ew York, and read it with more pleasure than 
I can well expres*?. You have given iis a charming and beautiful 
sketch. I could not, on reading it, help reproaching myself for being 
so ignorant of the many interesting facts which you have brouglit 
out. We have X find, many claims upon the consideration of our 
sister States which were unknown to me. The manner and the 
matter are alike deserving of high commendation. I owe you thanks 
for the pleasure the perusal of the lecture has given me. 

Yours truly, 

"W. L. Marct. 

As has been stated, Governor Seymour was 
educated a Democrat and an Episcopalian, and to 
liis party "and his church he has ever adhered with 
unwavering fidelity ; though the most tolerant of 
men, quietlj^, yet firmly maintaining and defending 
his own views, he is never impatient of opposition, 
nor unjust to others. Kecognizing the great good 
there is in varied organizations, he would co-operate 
with each wherever the interests of his country or of 
humanity demand such co-operation, trusting to 
the Master of the harvest in His own good time, to 
gather in the wheat and to destroy the tares. There 
is not a denominauon which has not been aided by 
his liberality in the erection of houses for public 
worship. He has been for years a leading vestry- 
man of Trinity Church, Utica, and generally a 
delegate to the annual diocesan convention, and a 
delegate from Western 'New York in the national 
or triennial convention of the Church of the United 



18 HON". HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

States. The late Bishop De Lancy always recog- 
nized Governor Seymour and the late Governor 
Hunt as his right-hand and chief supporters. Shortly 
before his death, Bishop De Lancy visited Governor 
Seymour at Albany, and spent several days in his 
family. 

Before leaving this interesting portion of his 
career, to enter upon the more tumultuous scenes of 
his political life, it may be well to draw a rapid 
sketch of his home as it appeared at the time of his 
nomination. About three years ago he built upon 
the range, known as the Deerfield Hills, which rise 
gently on the north of the Mohawk Yalley, and about 
three miles from Utica, his present home. It is a mod- 
est frame house, standing on the highest point of the 
farm of three hundred acres, which stretches down to 
the river. Approaching it from the lane which leads 
off the main road, it is almost hidden from view by 
an enormous black cherry tree of native growth. 
Once fairly on the rise, it is found to be a plain story 
and a half cottage, one of those unpretentious but 
roomy affairs, that stretch away from a fagade of 
porch that seems to spring from the grass and flowers 
into spacious rooms without any intermediate halls 
or vestibules. 

Standing on this porch and looking down the long 
slope to the river, the whole of the farm, with the 
exception of a grove at the north of the house, lies 
mapped out in pleasant alternations of hillock and 
meadow, field and forest-trees, with the valley beyond, 
and the white houses of Utica showing through the 
elms in the background. A fine pear orchard, 



HIS HOUSE AND HOME. 19" 

planted by tlie proprietor himself, is one of its fea- 
tures, and the clean cut hedge of English hawthorne 
running by the road-side, is an indication of careful 
and thrifty husbandry. He is said to take especial 
delio-ht in the development of this estate, adding con- 
stantly the best stock, and supplying it with needed 
implements of improved design. 

The indications of character which one will look 
for are uniformly simple. The spruce-tree at the 
side of the house, curiously bifurcated near its root 
and forming a rude chair, is unadorned by grotesque 
contortions of limbs, but is the governor's favorite 
seat. So with the house. There is nothing extrinsic 
or purely ornamental about it. This peculiarity, so 
conspicuous among the staid old settlers of Utica, 
seems to have been cherished particularly in this home. 
Immediately at the side ot* the front door, and pro- 
jecting across the porch, is the well preserved and 
mounted head of an enormous moose— a trophy of 
the proprietor's skill some twelve years ago in the 
Adirondacks. Entering the parlor, odorous with the 
balmy breath of flowers that throughout the season 
are placed upon the little side-table, and the pleas- 
ant taint of the India matting upon the floors, one 
sees at a glance that all is of the old school. Al- 
though of very recent construction, the house is not 
conformed to recent follies. Its air is that of a manor- 
house, staid and venerable, but suggestive of comfort 
withal. There is a spacious fireplace of the oklen 
time, begirt with a brass-headed dogs and glistening 
fender, and set in veritable Dutch tiles, sacred to the 
memory of some old inheritance in Albany, and a 



20 HON. HOEATIO SEYMOUR. 

great carved mantel-piece restored and preserved 
out of respect to departed honesty, that reckoned 
carving better than stucco, and good oaken devices 
better than iron that pretends to be marble. Upon 
this quaint old mantel, quite as high as one's head, lie 
crossed the horse pistols of the Revohitionarj grand- 
father. On the corner towers the old Dutch clock, 
tall and somber, and useless save as a reproach to the 
modern toys that seem to delight in frisking away 
the precious moments with impertinent levity. The 
furniture is black and grotesquely carved in a for- 
gotten fashion. The pictures are portraits of rela- 
tions, and have a wdiolesome sober look that is not to 
be trifled w^ith. However, there are a solar micro- 
scope, a telescope, and other scientific apparatus in 
the same room, which effectually remove any idea 
that the owner pays servile homage to things of the 
past, or is amenable to the flippant epithet of " old 
fogy." In his moments of recreation he uses these 
instruments skillfully. It may be stated that Mr. 
Seymour always evinced a strong interest in the sub- 
ject of the naturalist. For scientific investigation he 
has too much of the vigor w^hich plans and executes to 
ever devote himself exclusively to these patient and 
atomic studies ; but with that love of nature Avhich in- 
variably marks the man of evenly balanced faculties, 
he devotes his moments of leisure, when at homo 
to the study of the phenomena upon his grounds, and 
it is said that there is not a tree nor an insect in the 
vicinity that he is not familiar with. 

The remainder of the house is exactly in keeping. 
An air of solid comfort is apparent everywhere. 



HIS CHARACTEE AND HABITS. 21 

The library is small but valuable, and rich in old 
authors and religious works. There are few orna- 
ments, and they are generally natural flowers or a 
stray trifle of art that must have been an heir-loom. 
The absence of conventional gewgaws and uphol- 
stery, the rustic freedom which is toned, combined 
with the evidences of culture, the exquisite sim- 
plicity, in a word, and the good taste wrought 
together in this house have an attraction for the 
visitor that is indescribable. 

It is the genial grace of Mr. Seymour's manner, 
combined with his undoubted sincerity, and his clear, 
practical insight into the aflairs of the hour, which 
constitutes the charm of his society, whether at home 
or in public life. One may not agi*ee with him, but 
it is impossible not to respect his opinion, seeing 
that it is the result of careful observation and mature 
reflection, and is advanced in the interests of the many 
with the candor and sobriety of a thorough gentle- 
man. 

Mr. Seymour has shown in his political life, that 
decision of character and strength of wnll are com- 
patible with gentleness of speech and moderation of 
manner. In his life, Mr. Seymour is thoroughly 
temperate. lie was never known to indulge to excess 
in any thing. Inheriting a strong, vital temperament 
and sinewy frame, he has preserved his health amid 
the excitements and temptations of a long political 
career by prudence, and is to-day in the full exercise 
of every faculty of mind and body. 

Mrs. Seymour presides over this home with true 
grace. She is a lady of most winning address and 



22 HON. HORATIO SETMOUK. 

tliorougli culture. Familiar with the highest circles of 
our State from girlhood, with every opportunity that 
affluence afforded to strengthen and store a mind 
with knowledge, and possessing in a marked degree 
the virtues and accomplishments wliich were the 
pride of her ancestors, it may readily be seen that 
she is a lady fit to occupy the highest position in our 
country. 

The visitors at the cottage have not been numer- 
ous. Outside of the circle of relatives residing in 
CTtica, and tlie old friends of his father's family, the 
visitors have been mainly from abroad. The duties 
of the farm, when he is at home, occupy Mr. Sey- 
mour's time. lie goes to the vilhige seldom, and 
then only on business, or to Trinity Church of a 
Sunday. There have been fete days at the farm — 
festivals of children, one of whicli occurred early in 
the summer, when Mr. Seymour invited the orphans 
of St. John's Asylum in town to spend the day on 
the grounds. On this occasion, the master, no less 
than the mistress, devoted liiniself to their enjoyment 
with a personal zest that could only belong to a 
warm and kindly heart, and he was heard to declare 
that it was one of the really happy days of his life. 
How well the children appreciated his endeavors was 
shown afterward. They were out at AVaterville on 
a picnic when the news of his nomination flashed 
through the valley, and a shout of shrill trebles went 
up from immature throats, that would have thrilled 
him, could he have heard it, with its honesty, as no 
lusty acclaim of men will ever do. 

We have thus endeavored to sketch the early 



FKOM PRIVATE TO PUBLIC LIFE. 23 

career of the man, and his social position at his liome. 
The story of his active life in the broader field of 
politics remains to be told. That he preferred the 
modest joys of this quiet home to the exciting arena 
of national politics and the distractions of a life at 
Washington, is not unreasonable. lie had told his 
most intimate friends, before leaving Utica to attend 
the Convention, that he would not accept the nomi- 
nation. Those who were in his confidence paid him 
a visit at the cottage the night before he left for Xew 
York ; they used all their eloquence and pathos to 
induce him to alter his determination, but in vain, 
lie was suffering with an attack of diphtheria, which 
became aggravated a few days later, and it w^as 
hardly possible for him to reply to the earnest words 
that they used. But late into the night, while he 
lay upon a lounge, they beset him, and fairly begged 
for the sake of the party and the country, that he 
would accept the nomination if it were offered. 

He persistently refused, and did not hesitate to 
say that it was repugnant to him. 

But let it not be supposed that he was actuated in 
this by any fear of his health. That consideration, 
at least, never entered into the question. Whatever 
may be the excitements of a campaign, Mr. Seymour 
is not the man to waste his strength in violence of 
words or action, or to suffer with alternate hopes 
and fears of a result. His whole life has shown 
most uniformly that his practice is to do his duty 
equably and honestly, and let the result take care of 
itself. It is a' curious fact, worth stating here, that 



24 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

Mr Seymour's health has always been the best dur- 
ing a campaign in which he had plenty of work given 
him. In this use of vital energy he is happy. 



CHAPTER III. 

HIS LEGISLATIVE CAREER. 

In 1841, Mr. Seymour accepted a nomination for 
the Assembly from the county of Oneida, and was 
elected by one of the largest majorities ever given a 
democratic candidate in that ancient stronghold of 
the party. At this period, just twenty-seven years 
ago, commenced his public career. 

Mr. Seymour entered the Assembly the recognized 
friend of Governor Marcy, and an adherent of the 
established and national organization of the Demo- 
cratic party. In the Legislature, he was a bold and 
efficient defender of the time-honored principles of 
the Democracy. 

Judge Hammond, in his " Political History of 
New York," referring to Mr. Seymour at this time, 
says : — 

"We have seldom known a man who possessed higher and better 
qualificatioas for usefulness and success in a popular government 
than Horatio Seymour. Kind and social by nature, affable in his 
deportment, possessing a shrewd, discerning mind, fluent, and at 
times eloquent in debate, enlarged in his views, liberal almost to a 
fault to his opponents, and fascinating in his address, no man seemed 
better calculated to acquire an influence in a legislative body than 
he, and few, indeed, at his time of life, have, in fact, acquired a 
better standing or more substantial moral power. Tie had early 
made himself well acquainted wth the great and varied interests of 
the State of New York, an acquisition which aided him mucli in 
2 



26 HON. HOEATIO SEYMOUR. 

debate, and gave him an advantage over older members, and which, 
at the same time, enabled him to render services in legislation highly 
useful and beneficial to the State." 

Mr. Seymour had previously been a member of 
local and State Conventions, but this was the first 
position in which he attracted the attention of the 
public outside of his county. The Assembly of 1842 
comprised many talented men such as John A. Dix ; 
Lemuel Stetson, of Clinton ; Geo. A. Simmons, of 
Essex; John A. Lott, of Kings; Levi S. Chatfield, 
of Otsego; Michael Hoffman and Arphaxad Loomis, 
of Herkimer; Solomon Townsend, William McMur- 
ray, Sandford E. Church; John Kramer, of Saratoga; 
Charles Humphrey, and others. Levi S. Chatfield 
was elected Speaker. Mr. Seymour at once took 
rank as a prominent and leading member. The 
great contest of the session took place on the pass- 
age of the celebrated bill of Michael Hoffman in 
relation to the finances. It was an act to provide 
for paying the debt and preserving the credit of the 
State. The bill passed the Assembly by a large 
majority, Mr. Seymour voting for it with Michael 
Hoffman. In 1842, Mr. Seymour was elected Mayor 
of Htica. He was, however, a member of the Legis- 
lature of 1843, and of each succeeding session 
until and including that of 1865. At the session 
of 1843, Gov. Bouck's Administration was met at 
the threshold by opposition, and a bitter sectional 
feeling sprang up. Mr. Seymour exerted his influ- 
ence to prevent the schism which ultimately 
destroyed the democratic ascendancy in the 
State. In 1843, a large democratic majority 



HIS CONTEST WITH MICHAEL HOFFMAN. 27 

was returned to both houses. One wing of the 
party urged for Speaker Michael Hoffman, while 
the other wing was anxious to present the name of 
Horatio Seymour. Mr. Seymour, however, with- 
drew in favor of Elisha Litchfield, of Onondaga 
County. It was at this session that the great contest 
took place between Michael Hoffman and Horatio 
Seymour on the canal and financial policy of the 
State. On the 23d of April Mr. Seymour made a 
report as Chairman of the Committee on Canals, on 
that portion of the Governor's message relating to 
that subject. This report covers seventy-one large 
octavo pages, and has been pronounced one of the 
ablest and best written documents ever presented to a 
legislative body. 

Accompanying it was a bill making a prac- 
tical application of the theory advanced and sup- 
ported in the report. This passed both houses, Mr. 
Seymour's friends and nearly all the Whigs voting 
for it ; Mr. Hoffman's friends voting against, but 
Mr. Hoffman himself refusing to vote. This was a 
great triumph for Mr. Seymour. A writer, speaking 
of this session, says : — 

" In tfte excited and somewhat acrimonious contests that occurred 
in the Assembly, Mr. Seymour very soon became looked upon as the 
champion of the friends of' the democratic administration. In thia 
as in the performance of the regular duties that devolved on him on 
the floor as well as a member of important committees, he acquitted 
himself with marked ability. Mr, Hoffman was a powerful antag- 
onist, aud had been universally regarded as the most formidable man 
in debate in the legislature. Such, however, was the charm of Mr. 
Seymour's manner, and such the manliness and frankness of his 
general course, that he secured from Mr. Hoffman the most respect- 
ful consideration, and it was regarded by many as a remarkable sight 



28 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

to behold the dictator of the house defer to the commandmg courtesy 
of his competitor." 

At the session of 1845, Mr. Seymour was elected 
Speaker, and filled the chair with great ability. He 
had declined the position at the previous session. 
At this session the bill providing for a convention to 
revise the Constitution was adopted. This was 
originally a Whig measure ; and though the Demo- 
cracy desired to effect certain changes in the Con- 
stitution they wished to accomplish it in the manner 
provided by the Constitution itself. This was Mr. 
Seymour's view, and the debate between him and 
John Young, the leader of the Whigs, was charactei- 
ized by great eloquence. Time has confirmed all 
the objections made to the new Constitution as well 
in its political aspects as upon the interests of the 
people of the State. With this session ended Mr. 
Seymour's legislative career, and ended also the as- 
cendancy of the party in the legislative and execu- 
tive departments of the Government. Divisions had 
done their work, and in the State elections of 1846- 
'47 and '48, the Democratic party of New York sus- 
tained a series of defeats. Soon after the election of 
1848, in which Mr. Seymour ardently supported 
Cass and Butler, he co-operated in movements to 
close the breach between the different sections of 
the party ; and in the work of reconciliation became 
more prominent than any other of the National De- 
mocracy. He spared no honorable efforts to unite 
and consolidate the party upon a broad and consist- 
ent National platform. In this laudable work he 
for the time alienated the feelings of some of his old 



ELECTED SPEAKER OF THE ASSEMBLY. 29 

friends, and subjected himself to much unjust sus- 
picion, but the end justified his course, and vindica- 
ted- his sagacity and magnanimity. In 1849, the 
Democracy of the State partially regained their 
power, but soon lost it by a local and temporary 
issue in reference to the immediate enlargement of 
the Erie canal. We close our necessarily brief re- 
view of Mr. Seymour's early legislative career and 
his exertions in behalf of the union of the Demo- 
cratic party of New York, by recalling the remarks 
made at the time by a leading opponent in refer- 
ence to his social and personal qualities :- — 

" The courtesy and liberality of this leader of the Democracy ia 
public life, were not more distinctly marked, than were his urbanity 
and generosity in private intercourse. His troops of friends, among 
all of those with whom he is brought in contact, constitute a cloud 
of witnesses to bear testimony to his general kindness of heart, and 
the many acts of delicate courtesy and considerate benevolence, 
which eminently characterize him as a citizen and as a maa" 



CHAPTER lY. 

MR. SEYMOUR'S ELECTION AS GOVERNOR. 

In recognition of Mr. Seymour's exertion in behalf 
of the union and integrity of the Demo(;ratic party 
of Xew York, he received in 1850 a unanimous nomi- 
nation for governor ; and associated with him on 
the ticket was the Hon.'^andford E. Church, then 
and ever since a popular leader in Western i^ew 
York. At this time there existed in different locali- 
ties in the State, but mainly in the neighborhood 
of Albany, a powerful organization, known as Anti- 
Kenters. An Anti-Rent State ticket w^as selected 
from the candidates of both parties, and placed in 
nomination, with Washington Hunt, tlie Whig candi- 
date for governor, at its liead. The canvass was an 
animated one, and the anti-rent movement operated 
in favor of those adopted by them, as they were 
elected by large majorities. Hunt, notwithstanding 
this support, had only 262 majority in a total poll of 
nearly 429,000, Seymour running ahead of those of his 
associates who were not on the anti-rent ticket. 

The gallant bearing of the Democratic champion 
in this contest, endeared him still more strongly to 
the masses ; and in the great contest of 1852 he was 
again unanimously placed in nomination for gov- 
ernor, and after making a thorough canvass of the 



ELECTED GOVERNOR. 31 

State in person, he was triumphantly elected over 
his former competitor by 22,596 majority, carrying 
with him all his associates, and securing the electoral 
vote of the State to Pierce and King. In this, as in 
all great contests in the State, Governor Seymour 
appealed directly to the people, and he seldom ap- 
pealed in vain. ISTo man called out greater crowds 
of persons to listen, and no other man uniformly 
made a stronger or more favorable impression upon 
his hearers. 

Although he and the late lamented Washington 
Hunt were opposing candidates in 1850 and in 1852, 
and the contest in each case was exciting and bitter, 
the personal relations of these two distinguished pop- 
ular leaders were at all times intimate and friendly. 
Mr. Seymour always did full justice to the ability 
and integrity of his rival, with whom he had com- 
menced political life, but who separated from the 
Democratic party on the United States Bank ques- 
tion. Before his death, Gov. Hunt become a warm 
political friend of Seymour, and during his last days 
he expressed a wish for his nomination and election 
to the Presidency. Had Washington Hunt been 
spared to the people of the country until this day, 
his voice would now be heard in behalf of the Dem- 
ocratic nominees. Horatio Seymour and Washington 
Hunt knew each other well ; they had long com- 
muned at the same altar, their religious and politi- 
cal views entirely harmonizing. Together they had 
acted in the diocesan conventions of theh* church ; 
together they were elected delegates to its triennial 
convention. In that convention they uniformly acted 



32 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

in harmony for peace, union, and the promotion of 
their Master's kingdom. 

They were both members of the Chicago Conven- 
tion, of which Gov. Seymour became the presiding 
officer ; and while the latter advocated the nomina- 
tion of Chief Justice Nelson, Gov. Hunt as ardently 
desired Gov. Seymour to become the candidate. 
The writer well remembers the earnest and concilia- 
tory speech he made to the assembled delegation 
from New York while it was deliberating upon the 
course it should take in carrying out the instructions 
of the State convention to vote as a unit. 

The administration of Governor Seymour in 1853-4 
was eminently successful, though in a time of great 
party peril and difficulty. The temperance agitators 
of the day had resolved themselves into a political 
party in favor of a system of coercive legislation, 
commonly known as the Maine law. The repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise had opened anew the 
schisms of the Democratic party of the North, and 
involved the administration of President Pierce in 
an angry and bitter contest for existence. The Whig 
party — that party of many virtues — was abandoned 
by its leaders, and upon its ruins had sprung up the 
National American and the Sectional Eepublican 
parties, each earnest and aggressive. All of these 
elements were bravely encountered by Governor 
Seymour's administration. 



CHAPTER Y. 

THE TERM OF 1853-'54.— VETO OF THE LIQUOR LAW AND 
ROYING COMMISSION ACT.— ANECDOTES. 

At the session of the Legislature of 1854, a pro- 
hibitory liquor law was proposed, framed similarly 
to one that had recently been passed in Maine, and 
after considerable discussion it received the sanction 
of the New York Legislature. The opposition party 
had then a majority in both houses, and as this sub- 
ject was one engrossing public attention throughout 
the States, the Governor in his annual message at the 
opening of the session, had referred to it and substan- 
tially stated that while he was willing to co-operate 
in any effort to impose greater checks on the use of 
intoxicating liquors, yet that legislation in regard to 
it should be judicious or it would increase the evils 
it was intended to prevent, and that ^* any measures 
adopted should be framed so as not to conflict with 
well settled principles of legislation or with the rights 
of our citizens." 

On March 31st, 1854, the governor transmitted a 
message to the senate, in which he stated the reasons 
why he could not approve the bill. He took up the 
sections consecutively, and showed in what respects 
they were unconstitutional, oppressive, or impolitic. 
Tlie general views of Gov. Seymour upon the subject 
of the suppression of intemperance by peremptory 

2* 



34: HON. HOEATIO SETMOUK. 

and inter meddling legislation, are expressed very 
fully in the speech delivered at Springfield, Mass., in 
1856, which is given in a subsequent chapter. 

We may quote the following paragraphs from the 
veto : — 

"The idea pervades the bill, that unusual, numerous, and severe 
penalties, will secure enforcement; but all experience shows that the 
undue severity of laws defeats their execution, 

" After the excitement which enacted them has passed away, no 
one feels disposed to enforce them, for no law can be sustained which 
goes beyond public feeling and sentiment. 

" I have omitted any notice of many defective provisions in the 
bill, as they might be corrected by future legislation. I have con- 
fined my objections to those which are radically wrong ; which are 
inconsistent with the principles of justice, with the rights of persona 
and of property, and which so pervade the bill thal4.they can not be 
stricken out without destroying its entire fabric. The bill is wrong, 
because it directs unreasonable searches of the premises and dwell- 
ings of our citizens under circumstances calculated to provoke resist- 
ance ; it deprives persons of their property in a manner prohibited 
by the Constitution ; it subjects them, on mere suspicion of knowl. 
edge of a suspected crime, to an inquisitorial examination. 

" For one act of alleged violation of law, a citizen may be proceed- 
ed against as a criminal — be fined or imprisoned, and his property 
seized or forfeited ; he may be proceeded against in civil suits by 
various parties with whom he has had no dealings, and subjected to 
the payment of damages' where none have been averred or proved. 
To all these prosecutions he may be subjected without the benefit of 
trial, in the usual and judicial meaning of that term. 

" The Constitution makes it my duty to point out the objectionable 
features of this bill, but I owe it to the subject, and the friends of 
the measure, to add the expression of my belief that intemperance 
can not be extirpated by prohibitory laws. They are not consistent 
with sound principles of legislation. Like decrees to regulate reli- 
gious creeds or forms of worship, they provoke resistance where 
they are designed to enforce obedience. 

"The effort to suppress intemperance by unusual and arbitrary 
measures, proves that the Legislature is attempting to do that which, 
is not within its province to enact or its power to enforce. This ia 



HIS VETO OF THE LIQUOR LAW. 35 

the error which lies at the foundatiou of this bill — which distorts 
its details, and makes it a cause of angry controversy. 

" Should it become a law, it would render its advocates odious as 
the supporters of unjust and arbitrary enactments. Its evils would 
only cease upon its repeal, or when it became a dead letter upon the 
statute-book. Judicious legislation may correct abuses in the manu- 
facture, sale, or use of intoxicating liquors ; but it can do no more. 

"All experience shows that temperance, like other virtues, is not 
produced by law-makers, but by the influences of education, morality, 
and religion. 

""While a conscientious discharge of duty, and a belief that ex- 
plicit language Is due to the friends of this bill, require me to state 
my objections to the measure in decided terms, it must not be under- 
stood that I am indifferent to the evils of intemperance, or wanting 
in respect and sympathy for those who are engaged in their suppres- 
sion. I regard intemperance as a fruitful source of degradation and 
misery. I look with no favor upon the habits or practices which 
have produced the crime and suffering which are constantly forced 
upon my attention in the painful discharge of official duties. After 
long and earnest reflection, I am satisfied reliance can not be placed 
upon prohibitory laws to eradicate these evils. Men may be per- 
suaded — they can not be compelled to adopt habits of temperance. 

"I concur with many of the earnest and devoted friends of tem- 
perance in the opinion that it will hereafter be a cause for regret, if 
the interest which is now excited in the public mind upon that 
subject, should be diverted from its proper channels and exhausted 
in attempts to procure legislation which must be fruitless." 

The storm of denunciation whicli followed this 
message, was a sufficient evidence of the moral 
courage and decision of character which were re- 
quired to veto the bill. The press, the pulpit, and 
other agencies of public opinion, opened upon him 
with all their batteries of epithet and invective, 
which was kept up, with but little cessation, until 
after the gubernatorial election in the fall of '54. 

On the other hand, many Eepublieau newspapers 
acknewledged the justice of his action. The New 
York Times said; — ■ 



86 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

" There are very few sober people who will not confess that the 
Governor's objections to the details of the bill are substantially sound, 
and entitled to weight." 

A RepubKcan organ of Oswego, shocked at the 
indecencies of the press of its own party, made this 
protest : — 

*' Against Gov. Seymour personally, we have not one syllable to 
gay. We know him well, and will not yield to the Palladium in 
respect for his worth or in admiration for his talents. In all the 
relations of private life he is blameless and above reproach. His 
moral character has never been tainted by the breath of slander. 
At home he is proverbial for his urbanity, kindness of heart, and 
integrity. We never knew the man whom he had wronged in business 
or personal relations, and do not believe such can be found. To 
urbanity of manner and extreme courtesy toward all who have in- 
tercourse with him, he adds unflinching honor. Warm in his attach- 
ments, and manly even in his hostilities, he possesses the faculty in 
a wonderful d'egree of attaching political associates by personal ties. 

" Thus much we know and believe of Horatio Seymour. Can the 
Palladium say more ? We oppose him in politics not from prejudice, 
but from conviction. We oppose him openly, manfully, and because 
we differ from him. Did it ever occur to that sheet that it is within 
the bounds of honorable warfare, politically, to oppose one whom 
you may personally esteem and admire ?" 

As we shall have occasion to record, the same act, 
when passed after the election of Gov. Clark, was 
Boon after declared unconstitutional, by the highest 
Court of the State, and in after years, when the law 
had proved a failure, the action of Gov. Seymour 
was acknowledged by many who had assailed him 
most bitterly, to have been dictated by sound judg- 
ment, and a profound sense of duty. 

Another important veto which the Governor issued, 
is also proved, by the proceedings of every subse- 
quent session of the Legislature, to have been well- 



ANOTHER IMPOKTANT VETO. 



37 



timed and judicious. Had the suggestions therein 
contained been followed, the State would have been 
saved the thousands of dollars, which have been ex- 
pended bj roving commissions. 

The act in question provided for the appointment 
of a commission to investigate the pecuniary affairs 
of the State Prison. We quote from the veto mes- 
sage : — 

"By the Constitution of this State, three Inspectors of State 
Prisons are elected by the people, and are paid frojn the public 
treasury for performing the duties which this bill confers upon the 
commissioners to be appointed by this Comptroller. The powers of 
the Inspectors are clearly defined by our laws, and they embrace 
every object contemplated by this bilL The information which it is 
proposed to get by this expensive commission can be obtained from 
public officers who are liable to be impeached if they are guilty of 
any neglect of duty. The practice of appointing legislative or 
other commissions to be paid for the performance of duties which 
belong to public officers, has been attended with great expense and 
no practical benefits. They are frequently got up for the purpose of 
giving employment or bestowing patronage at the expense of the State. 

"A committee was appointed in 1851 to examine the condition of 
our prisons, and their able and elaborate report, made in 1851, has 
never been acted upon nor referred by the Legislature. These com- 
missioners are governed by no rules nor fixed objects of inquiry. 
They usually become mere partisan inquisitions, and their reports 
are regarded with but little respect by the public, while their 
assumptions of powers, which belong to public officers, release 
the latter from the appropriate responsibilities. Sound policy re« 
quires that public officers should be held to a strict performance of 
their duties. If the State Prison Inspectors have neglected theirs 
they should be impeached. Our laws provide, if they are guilty of 
misconduct or malversation in office, that the Executive shall remove 
them. 

" The bill, which I return, is also objectionable because it conflicts 
with the distribution of powers and duties of the several branches of 
the State Government, made by the Constitution. The different de- 
partments derive their clearly defined powers from a common source, 



38 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

and they should be kept within their respective and proper limits. For 
this reason I have not responded to legislative resolutions of inquiry, 
which have been addressed to me, respecting the performance of the 
duties conferred upon the Governor of this State by the Constitution. 
For the same reason I object to this bill. In order to animate all 
branches of the State Government with a sense of their appropriate 
duties, it is important that the rights of each should be understood 
by themselves and the public. 

" The constitutional distribution of power among the legislative, 
judicial, and executive departments should be observed and respect- 
ed. It enables the people of the State to attach the proper respon- 
sibilities to the different public officers. It is essential to wise and 
intelligent legislation, to the faithful performance of duty, and the 
protection of. private rights and public interests. All the objects of 
the bill are amply provided for by constitutional directions and statu- 
tory enactments. The bill will cause useless expense, and is not 
consistent with sound policy. I do not doubt that the State Prison 
Inspectors will perform their duties. If they do not, I shall ' take 
care that the laws are faithfully executed.' " 

We can only give a passing reference to some of 
the many addresses delivered by Governor Seymour 
during this term. He delivered the oration at the 
celebration of the erection of the monument at 
Tarry town, in commemoration of the capture of 
Major Andre. 

He delivered an address at the opening of the l^ew 
York House of Refuge. 

He gave an oration before the State ISTormal 
School. 

He was present at the anniversary dinner of the 
I^ew England Society, where speeches were made 
by Rev. R. S. Storrs, Hon. John P. Hale, and Henry 
Ward Beecher, and where he responded to the toast 
to the State of New York. 

He delivered historical lectures in various towns 
of the State. 



HIS MEKCANTILE LIBRARY SPEECH. 39 

At the l^ational Horse Fair, at Sm-ingiield, Mass., 
1853, he responded to the toast of tTie State of New 
York, in which reference was made to the " urbanity, 
energy, and ability of her chief magistrate." 

Governor Seymour also attended the inauguration, 
at the Church of the Puritans, of the Mercantile 
Library, an institution that has done a more practi- 
cal work in the dissemination of literature than any 
in the city. Governor Seymour made a most elo- 
quent speech on the occasion, from which we make 
the following extracts : — 

" I deemed it an official duty to accept an invitation to be present 
on this occasion to manifest my admiration of the liberality of ttie 
merchants of New York toward this institution, and my respect for 
its numerous members, who have associated themselves together for 
the purposes .of self-improvement. I have had placed in my hands 
the constitution of this society, which states its objects to be "to 
facilitate mutual intercourse, extend information on subjects of mer- 
cantile and general utility, promote a spirit of useful inquiry, and 
qualify ourselves to discharge properly the duties of our profession 
and the social of&ces of life." I know of no object that can more 
commend itself to our sympathy and approval than the efforts of 
young men who are about to enter upon the grave duties of life, to 
store their minds with useful knowledge, not only for the purpose of 
rendering themselves successful in their honorable pursuits, but to 
make themselves educated and respected citizens. They do nofintend 
to sink themselves into subordination to their business affairs, but to 
render these subservient to their advancement as men. Ifthis insti- 
tution is to be regarded only with reference to its individual mem- 
bers, it would deserve all the sympathy and support which it now 
receives in this intelhgent and enterprising community. But I desire 
to consider it, on this occasion, in another light — not merely of indi- 
vidual or local, but of State and National interest. In order to esti- 
mate its importance to our whole country — to its commerce, to its 
prosperity, and to its affairs — it is necessary to regard the relation- 
ship which this great city bears to the rest of our common country. 
But, before I proceed on that topic, let me for a moment advert to 



40 HON. HOEATIO SEYMOUE. 

one of its objects — tofacilitate mutual intercourse among its members 
— by which I under^nd it is their design to promote that honorable 
pride of their profession which will induce .them to elevate it to its 
best estate — to render it subservient, not only to their individual in- 
terests, but also to the honor and welfare of this gr&at commercial 
metropolis. This community has heretofore evinced a want of pride 
in its numerous institutions, and of that local attachment which has 
characterized some of its commercial rivals. * * * j; 

have, glanced briefly at some of the commercial advantages which 
this city enjoys, to show that its harbor is not to be regarded 
merely as the mouth of the Hudson, but as the point wliere 
the productions of the vast regions of our country are to be ex- 
changed for those of other climes. The inhabitants of our own 
State, and of the fertile valleys of the West, must in a few years 
intrust the products of their labor and their skill to the care of those 
who now constitute the members of this society. Their intelligence 
and fidelity will be considerations of national importance. The ex- 
tent to which the productions of our soil will be sent into the different 
markets of the world, will depend in a great degree upon their skill 
and enterprise as merchants. The profession in which they are 
about to engage has been regarded as one of great 'dignity and in- 
terest in all periods of the world's history. Heathen mythology 
exalted the early navigators to the ranks of heroes and demigods. 
Commerce furnishes many of the most striking figures in the history 
of the Old Testament, and for the sublime verse of MUton. But at 
no period since the wisest and wealthiest monarch sent ships to the 
isles of the sea to bring back myrrh, and gems, and gold, has commerce 
exerted a greater influence than at present upon the condition of the 
world and the progress of events. At this time the mightiest 
nations of .Europe are exerting all their energies to send out disci- 
plined armies and naval forces to maintain what they deem to be their 
national rights and liberties. And yet these mighty efforts will fall 
far short of the influences which the merchants of this city are 
exerting in the ordinary course of their pursuits in bringing annually 
to this port three hundred thousand persons who are seeking the pro- 
tection of our laws, the advantages of our institutions, and the benefits 
of our fertile and productive soil. Whatever maybe the result of the 
present European war, it will fall far short of the influences which 
immigration to this country will exert upon the relative strength and 
power of nations. While the ranks of European artoies will merely 
serve to whiten with their bleached bones some battle-field, those 
wliom commerce brings to our shores will buQd up flourishmg cities 



THE THANKSGIVINa PROCLAMATION. 41 

and States, aud constitutt an enduring source of national wealth and 
greatness. I have glanced briefly and imperfectly upon the great 
responsibilities to soon devolve upon the members of this association. 
If they shall possess the requisite intelliprence, liberality, and enter- 
prise, they may render this city not only the emporium of our own 
land, but it may be hereafter said of her as of commercial Venice : — 

" ' Her daughters had their dowers 
From spoils of nations, and the exhausted East 
PourM in her lap all gems in sparkling showers ; 
In purple was she robed, and of her feast 
Monarchs i>artook, and deemed their dignity increased.'' " 

We liave spoken of the abuse to which Governor 
Seymour was subjected. This settled purpose on 
the part of political preachers and others, to look at 
every act of his in an unfavorable light, sometimes 
led to amusing results. On one occasion, when he 
was about to issue a thanksgiving proclamation, an 
eminent d'octor of divinity came into his room. As 
it was to be an appeal to the religious sentiments of 
the people, the governor asked him to draw it up, 
which he did, in suitable terms. No sooner was it 
printed than it was assailed, particularly by the 
paper which was the organ of the church to which 
the doctor belonged, which declared that it had read 
the proclamation with pain and mortification : that 
it was evidently written by a man of infidel tenden- 
cies, and one who had never experienced vital piety. 
While the governor did not deem it his duty to let 
the public know who the author was, it was quietly 
suggested to his brother clergymen that they should 
look closely after the heretical views of their associ- 
ate, and the worthy doctor has never heard the last 
of this criticism on his orthodoxy. 

These constant attacks upon the character, habits. 



42 HON. HORATIO SETMOTTR. 

and person of tlie governor aretnot without their 
advantages, as he constantly meets those who have 
ibrmed their ideas of him from what has been said 
in the pulpit and the press ; and who, shocked b}^ 
the grossness of the falsehood, have ever after looked 
upon him more favorably than perhaps they would 
-have done if they had not felt how indecently they 
had been cheated and misled. 

But ftie prejudices of some men are so strong that 
they will not believe their own eyes. Upon one oc- 
casion, when Governor Seymour was traveling with 
a prominent Republican official, and a vehement ad- 
vocate of the Maine Law, some one pointed him out 
to one of these men so full of vindictive piety and 
malignant philanthropy. The latter, mistaking 
his Kepublican friend for the governor himself, ex- 
claimed, with great feeling, that he was just such a 
looking man as he expected to see ; that it was clear 
he drank himself, and wanted everybody else to 
drink, and there was vice upon every lineament of 
his countenance. The governor's Republican friends 
were silent upon the subject of the Maine Law dur- 
ing the rest of their journey. 



CHAPTER YI. 



ELECTION" OF 1854. 



With the close of his term as governor, in 1854, 
Mr. Seymour earnestly desired to retire from official 
life; but he had acquired too strong a hold upon the 
affections and confidence of tlie„^people to be thus re- 
lieved. The State convention of his political friends, 
against his earnest remonstrance, unanimously placed 
him in renomination, putting Colonel William H. 
Ludlow, then late speaker of the assembly, and more 
recently chief-of-staff to General Dix, on the ticket 
with him, as the candidate for lieutenant-governor. 
So determined were the great leaders of the Union 
Democracy of the State of IS^ew York at that time, 
that Governor Seymour should not decline the can- 
didacy, that they suppressed the messages passing be- 
tween him at Albany, and his friends at Syracuse, 
where the convention was in session. 

At this period the internal feuds of the party in 
the Empire State were at their height. The admin- 
istration of Mr. Pierce, and the course of Mr. Douglass 
on the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, were bitterly assailed. 
Each section seemed to have implicit contidence in 
the sound patriotism and integrity of the governor ; 
but great jealousy was manifested of his friends and 



4A HON. HOKATIO SETMOUB. 

surroundings ; and a determined effort was made by 
rival leaders to get control of the national patronage, 
in many cases without regard to the local feelings 
and interests of the party. Finally, these dissensions 
cubninated in putting into the field Judge Bronson, 
as an opposing candidate. 

The temperance question had become a disturbing 
element in party politics. Many ministers of the 
gospel, and others, misled for the time by a single 
idea, and overlooking the great distinction between 
that which is simply plausible and that which is con- 
stitutional, and lawful, and right, took ground against 
Governor Seymour, on account of his veto of the 
coercive Temperance Law, and ignoring the purity of 
his morals and his strictly temperate habits (his ex- 
ample at all times affording the most effective argu- 
ment for their cause), assailed him from their pulpits 
and through the public press, and in public meetings, 
as the great apostle of intemperance, pauperism, and 
crime. These things, unfounded, vile, and silly as 
they were, were not without their influence. Thou- 
sands formed false ideas of Seymour's true character 
and position, and became possessed of prejudices 
which controlled their political action and associa- 
tions. 

Myron H. Clark, a State Senator, was the Whig 
and Temperance candidate; and Daniel Ullman 
the candidate of the American or Know-Nothing 
party, then in the vigor of its youth and the zenith 
of its power. The quadrangular contest was exciting 
and animated, and notwithstanding these attacks. 
Governor Seymour exhibited a personal popularity 



THE KESULT OF THE ELECTION. 45 

nnequaled by that of any other public man of the 
time, receiving some 30,000 votes more than his 
associates on the ticket. Clark was declared elected 
by an apparent plurality of 309 votes in a grand total 
of 469,431. It is due to the truth of history to state 
that it was then intimated that the State officers, 
though politically opposed to Governor Seymour, 
would have given him the certificate of election, and 
thus secured him the office, had he consented to file 
objections to certain returns which were manifestly 
irregular, and probably tampered with by some of 
the unscrupulous men aiming at the control of public 
aifairs. This contest Governor Seymour refused to 
make, inasmuch as his associates on the ticket were 
defeated, and he cheerfully welcomed Clark as his 
successor, placing in his hands the insignia of power, 
and throughout his administration contributing in 
many pleasant ways to make his position respected 
and comfortable. 

We should fail to do justice to the ability of Sey- 
mour at this time, if we omitted to state that "the 
Maine Law," vetoed by him, but re-enacted and ap- 
proved by Governor Clark, was declared unconstitu- 
tional and void by the concurrence of all but one of 
the Judges of the Court of Appeals of the State, and 
that the leading opinions of the eminent judges who 
passed upon the question sustained each and every of 
the principal objections to the bill enumerated in the 
veto message, which has been heretofore given to the 
reader. Thus this measure of pains and penalties, which 
cost the people of the State so much litigation, became 
a dead letter upon the statute-book, and was ultimate- 



46 HON. HORATIO SEYMOITE. 

ly given up by the very men that originally passed it. 
All were compelled to acknowledge the legal acu- 
men and sound constitutional views of the governor; 
but how few of " the Scribes and Pharisees " that 
made the welkin ring with their denunciations of 
hira have publicly admitted their own error or his 
vindication — more of them subsequently found the 
drunkard's level, and now fill dishonored graves — 
a warning to all who habitually assume morals supe- 
rior to the rest of mankind, and when they pray, if 
they ever do, thank God they are not as other men. 

During the first gubernatorial term, Governor 
Seymour felt many defects in the organization of 
the executive department of the State. After his 
retirement and surrender of office to a Republican 
successor, he urged upon the State Legislature a 
complete reorganization of the office — and an in- 
crease of office force to meet the growing wants of 
the State." 

In accordance with his suggestion, the office was 
created, a Department of Record, and its efficiency 
greatly improved by the legislation thus suggested. 

To bring about this change, although for the 
benefit of his political opponents, he spent much 
time and effi)rt at Albany, as he felt it was due to 
the dignity of the State, and he was unwilling that 
his successors should be crippled, as he had been, by 
the want of a sufficient clerical force and of laws to 
to preserve records and papers of great value. 



CHAPTER YIl. 

GOV. SEYMOUR'S SPRINGFIELD SPEECH. — THE DEMO- 
CRATIC THEORY OF GOVERNMENT. 

In 1856, soon after the nomination of Buchanan 
and Breckinridge bj tlie Cincinnati Convention, 
leading members of the Democratic National Com- 
mittee, solicited Governor Seymour, whose eloquence 
had made a deep impression upon that Convention, 
to make a speech which should give the key-note to 
the campaign, and be received, as Governor Seymour's 
speeches have ever since been received, as the plat- 
form, in fact, of the party. In response to this in- 
vitation, Gov. Seymour, at Springfield, Massachu- 
setts, on the 4th day of July, 1856, before assembled 
thousands, uttered his views of *'the Democratic 
Theory of Government," in a speech which was re- 
ceived with universal acclaim, and which was pub- 
lished and republished throughout the land, as a 
campaign document, contributing, in no small de- 
gree, to the brilliant victory of that year. 

The reader will find that the extracts we give 
from this speech are as fresh and applicable to the 
present condition of things, as on the day of its 
first publication, showing the catholicity and immu- 
tability of the principles expounded. 

The speech was as follows : — 

" For the purpose of standing upon the soil of Massachusetts, to 



4:8 HON. HORATIO SEYMOFE. 

defend the principles of our party, and the honor and interests of 
our whole country, I declined the invitations to meet on this day the 
Democracy of Philadelphia, esulting in the nomination of Mr. Bu- 
chanan, or to unite with thousands who cluster around the time- 
honored halls of St. Tammany, in the city of New York. In a great 
battle, we love to stand where our ranks are thinnest, and our oppo- 
nents muster in their miglit. We seek out the adversaries of reli- 
gious and political freedom in their strongholds, and we raise the 
standard of our Union where sectional jealousy, bigotry, and hate 
are most rife. I honor those who stood up manfully in this State 
against the overwhelming numbers of the advocates of Alien and 
Sedition laws : against those who preached and practised treason in 
the last war with Great Britain; against those who prayed that our 
armies in Mexico might be met with bloody hands and hospitable 
graves ; against those who Jiave persecuted defenseless women for 
their religious faith ; against those whose chief effort at this time is 
to teach one half of our common couatry to hate the other half. I 
have lately been upon the shores of the great lakes at the North, 
upon the banks of the Mississippi at the West, in the valley of the 
Potomac at the South, and upon the margin of the Hudson in New 
York, and it gives me pleasure to say to you who live along the 
course of the Connecticut, and amid the hills of New England, that 
but one sentiment animates the great national party to which we 
belong; and to tell you, the true men of Massachusetts, that how- 
ever small your numbers may be here, that you belong to a brother- 
hood who, like yourselves, love our whole country, and who are 
strong enough to defend it against either foreign assault or domestic 
treason. 

"We meet upon a day thick clustering with memories i?acred to 
American patriots. These will animate us upon this occasion. No 
word will be uttered here which will jar with the recollections of the 
past. If those who, eighty years ago, came from the North, the 
West, and the South, to rescue Boston from hostile hands, and to 
drive destroying armies from the soil of Massachusetts, could have 
heard, in anticipation, our words, telling of the greatness of our 
country, and of our devotion to its preservation, their hearts would 
have thrilled with joy and pride. . If, on the other hand, their hear- 
ing had been cursed by the appeals to passion and prejudice which 
are made, even now, in a neighboring assemblage, how would that 
patriotic array have been struck down by the base ingratitude ! The 
strong heart of Washington would have given way as he listened to 
the revilings of his native State and of the descendants of those 



HIS SPRINGFIELD SPEECH. 49 

who had followed him from Virginia, to peril their lives for this 
State in the day of its trial and distress. 

"At this time our country is convulsed with moral disorders, with 
religious dissensions, and political agitations. Denunciatory lan- 
guage and violent conduct disgrace our national capitol. Most of 
the great religious denominations are divided, and glare across a sec- 
tional line with fierce hatred, withholding from each other the charity 
and courtesies which they extend to their co-religionists from foreign 
lands. Another tie which has heretofore held our country together, 
has been disbanded, and from its ruins has sprung a political organ- 
ization trusting for its success to sectional prejudices. It excludes 
from its councils the people of nearly one half the Union; it seeks 
a triumph over one half our country. The battle-fields of Yorktowu, 
of Camden, of New Orleans, are unrepresented in their Conventions, 
and no delegates speak for the States where rest the remains of 
Washington, Jefferson, Marion, Sumter, or Morgan, or the later 
hero, Jackson. They cherish more bitter hatred of their own coun- 
trymen, than they have ever shown toward the enemies of our land. 
If the language they hold this day had been used eighty years since, 
■we should not have thrown oflf the British yoke. Our national Con- 
stitution would not have been formed, and if their spirit of hatred 
continues, our Constitution and Government will cease to exist. 

" The democratic theory takes away control from central points and 
distributes it to the various localities that are most interested in its 
wise and honest exercise. It keeps at every man's home the greatest 
share of the political power that concerns him individually. It yields 
it to the remoter legislative bodies in diminishing proportions as they 
recede from the direct influence and action of the people. The prin- 
ciple of self-government is not the demagogical idea that the people, 
in their collective capacity, are endowed with a wisdom, patriotism, 
and virtue superior to their individual characters. The people, as a 
lociety, are as virtuous or as vicious, as intelligent or as ignorant, 
is brave or as cowardly, as the persons who compose it. The great 
theory of local self-government under which our country is expand, 
Ing itself over a continent, without becoming weak by its extension- 
is founded on these propositions. That Government is most wise, 
which is in the hands of those best informed about the particular 
questions on which they legislate; most economical and honest, 
when controlled by those most interested in preserving frugality and 
virtue ; most strong, when it only exercises authority which is bene- 
ficial in its action to the governed. These are obvious truths, but 
3 



50 HOIS^. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

how are they to be made available for practical purposes ? It is in 
this tiiat the wisdom of our institutions consists. In their progress, 
they are developing truths in government which have not only dis- 
appointed the hopes of our enemies and dissipated the fears of our 
friends, but give promise in the future of such greatness and civili- 
xation as the world has never seen. 

"The legislation which most affects us is local in its character. The 
-good order of society, the protection of our lives and our property, 
the promotion of religion and learning, the enforcement of statutes, 
or the upholding the unwritten laws of just moral restraints, mainly 
depend upon the virtue and M'isdom of the inhabitants of townships. 
Upon sucli questions, so far as they particularly concern themselves, 
the people of the towns are more intelligent and more interested 
than those outside of their limits can bo for them. The wisest 
statesman living and acting at the city of "Washington, can not under- 
stand these affairs, nor can they conduct them as well as the citizens 
upon the ground. "What is true of one town is true of the other 
ten thousand towns in the United States. "When we shall have fifty 
thousand towns, this system of government will in no degree become 
overloaded or complicated. There will bo no more then for each 
citizen to do than now. Our town officers iu the aggregate are moro 
important than Congressmen or Senators. Hence the importance to 
our government of religion, morality, and education, which enlighten 
and purify the governed and the governor at tlie same time, and 
which must ever constitute the best securities for the advancement 
and happiness of our country. The next organization, in order and 
importance, are boards of county officers, who control questions of a 
local character, but affecting more than the inhabitants of single 
towns. The people of each county are more intelligent, and more 
interested in what concerns their own affairs than any amount of 
wisdom, or of patriotism, outside of it. The aggregate transactions 
of our supervisors are more important than those of our State Legis- 
lature. When we have secured good government in towns and 
counties, most of the objects of government are gained. In the 
ascending scale of rank, in the descending scale of importance is the 
Legislature, which is, or should be, limited to State affairs. Its 
greatest wisdom is shown by the smallest amount of legislation, and 
its strongest claims for gratitude grow out of what it does not do. 
Our General Government is remarkable for being the reverse of every 
other system. Instead of being the source of authority, it only re- 
ceives the remnants of power, after all that concerns town, count}', 
aad State jurisdiction has been distributed. Its jurisdiction althougli, 



HIS SPKINGFIELD SPEECH. 51 

confined within narro-w limits, is of great dignity, for it concerns our 
national honor, and provides for the national defense. "We make this 
head of our system strong, when we confine its action to those 
objects which are of general interest and value, and prevent its in- 
terference with subjects upon which it can not act with a due degree 
of intelligence. If our General Government had the legislative 
power, which is now divided between town, countj, and State juris- 
diction, its attempts at their exercise would shiver it into atoms. If 
it was composed of the wisest and purest men the world ever saw, 
it could not understand all the varied interests of a land as wide as 
all Europe, and with as great a diversity of climate, soil, and social 
condition. The welfare of the several communities would be sacri- 
ficed to the ignorance or prejudices of those v.iio have no direct con- 
cern in the laws they imposed upon others. Under our system of 
government, the right to interfere is less than the disposition many 
show to meddle with what they do not understand ; and over every 
section of our great country, there are local jurisdictions, familiar 
with their wants, and interested in doing what is* for the riglit. It 
required seven centuries to reform palpable wrongs in enlightened 
Britain, simply because the powers of its government, concentrated 
in Parliament, were far removed from the sufferings and injuries 
those wrongs occasioned. Under our institutions, evils are at once 
removed, when intelligence and virtue have shown them in their 
true Ijght to the communities in which they exist. As intelligence, 
virtue, and religion are thus potential, let us rely upon them as the 
genial influences which will induce men to throw off the evils which 
encumber, them., and not'resort to impertinent meddling, howling de- 
nunciations, and bitter taunts, which prompt individuals and com- 
munities to draw the folds of wrong more closely about them. 

'' The theory of local self-government is not founded upon the 
idea that the people are necessarily virtuous and intelligent, but it 
attempts to distribute each particular power to those who have the 
greatest interest in its wise and faithful exercise. It gives to every 
township the right to direct its own local affairs, the people of a 
town being more intelligent about their own affairs than the public 
of any other locality. In the same way it leaves to every county 
the legislation that pertains to the county ; and to every State the 
legislation that pertains to the State. Such distribution of political 
power is founded on the principle that persons most interested in 
any matter, manage it better than even wiser men who are not in- 
terested therein. Men act precisely thus in their private concerns. 
When we axe sick wq. do not seek the wisest men in the community, 



52 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

but the physician who is best acquainted with our disorder and its 
remedies. If we wish to build, we seek not the most learned man, 
but the man most skillful in the kind of structure we desire to erect ; 
and if we require the services of an agent, the one is best for us who 
is best acquainted personally with our wants, and most interested in 
satisfying them. The Bible intimates this course, when it says : 
' That a man can judfje better in relation to his own affairs than 
seven watchmen on a high tower,' Acting upon these simple prin- 
ciples, the tendency of democracy has constantly been to remove 
power from great central agencies, and to distribute it among the 
localities who have the best intelligence for its exercise, and the 
highest personal interest in exercising it judiciously, 

"This system not only secures good government for each locality, 
but it also brings homo to each individual a sense of his rights and 
responsibilities; it elevates his cha-racter as a man; he is taught 
self-reliance ; he learns that the performance of his duty as a citizen, 
is the best corrective for the evils of society, and is not led to place 
a vag\ie, unfoundecW dependence upon legislative wisdom or inspira- 
tions. The principle of local and distributed jurisdiction, not only 
makes good Government, but it also makes good manliood. Under 
European Governments, but few feel that they can exert any influ- 
ence upon public morals or affairs, but here, every one knows that 
his character and conduct will at least affect the character of the 
town in which he lives. 

"The conviction gains ground that the General Government is 
strengthened and made most enduring, by lifting it above invidious 
duties, and by making it the point, which rallies the affections and 
pride of the American people, as the exponent to the world at large 
of our common power, dignity and nationality. 

'* Under this system our country has attained its power, its pros- 
perity, and its magnificent proportions. Look at it upon the map of 
the world. It is as broad as all Kurope. Mark its boundaries. 
The greatest chain of fresh water lakes upon the globe bathe its 
northern limits — the Atlantic and Pacific wash its eastern and west- 
ern shores, and its southern borders rest upon the great Mediterra- 
nean Sea of Mexico. Our policy of government by localities meets 
every local want of this vast region; it gives energy, enterprise and 
freedom to each community, no matter how remote or small. And 
this is done so readily and so peaceably that the process resembles 
the great and beneficent operations of nature. See how it tells upon 
the individual citizen; how it develops manhood; how it makes 
our whole land instinct with energy and virtue. In the world'* 



THE MEDDLING THEORY OF GOVERKMENT. 53 

history no such exhibitions have ever been made of intellectual 
vigor, power and enterprise, as arc now shown by the commercial 
men of these United States, or by its artisans and its agriculturists. 
These are owing to the principles of local self-government and 
freedom of individual action. Each man understands this in his own 
affairs, and he prays to be freed from legislative interferences. When 
all men concede to others what they thus ask for themselves, the 
democratic policy will have no opposers. As a party, we reject 
legislative legerdemain. "We have but one petition to our law- 
makers — it is, to be let alone. "We have one reliance for good 
government, the intelligence of the people ; one source of wealth, 
the honest, ttiinking labor of our country; one hope for our work- 
shops, the skill of our mechanics ; one impulse for our commerce, the 
untrammeled enterprise of our •merchants ; one remedy for moral 
evils, religious education ; one object for our political exertions, the 
common good of our great and glorious country." 

THE MEDDLING THEORT OF GOVERNMENT. 

"In antagonism to the democratic creed of local and individual 
freedom, there has always existed a pragmatic organization, which 
under different names has sought to build up a system of political 
meddling. Its purposes may have been good ; its claims have been 
high toned and exacting. Constantly defeated by the results of its 
erroneous principles, its instincts lead it to renew its attempts at 
power by new projects. It is as confident and as denunciatory to- 
day, as when it sought to uphold national banks and high tariffs. 
It now claims the exclusive championship of morals, religion and 
libert}'', as it once did the guardianship of the finances and industry 
of the country. We deny that the meddling system of politics is 
favorable to morals, religion, or liberty. History proves the contrary. 
It has ever been the bane of eacli. It has always furnished the 
pretexts of tjTants, The fires of bigotry, the iron rule of despots, 
the leaden weight of ignorance and degradation, came from pragmati- 
cal doctrines. 

" Political meddling has done nothing for religion hero. It has 
hung Quakers — it persecuted Roger Williams — it has driven pious 
vomen into exile — it has tried to uphold a theocracy in New England 
— it has divided the church of our land — it has caused bitter sec- 
tional hate. It has done no good. We need not go back into the 
past to show this — it is proved by the questions of the day. We 
have political meddling with morals in coercive temperance laws ; politi- 



64 HOK. HORATIO SETMOITE. 

cal meddling with religion in Know-Koihingism and divided cliurches ; 
political meddling tuith rights of local legislation by the Republican party. 
They each sprung from a cominon sentiment. The man of the South 
who supports Know-Nothingism, upholds the spirit of bigotry which 
calls Republicanism into existence. The man of foreign birth who 
aids in the attempt to disfranchise the emigrapt to the West, will 
find that he is laboring to take away the right of citizenship from 
the emigrant from the eastern world. He who interferes with thoso 
a thousand miles away, must not object to the intermeddling of his 
neighbors with his domestic or personal affairs. Those who fan the 
fires of fanatism in any of its forms, will find their homes invaded by 
its flames. 

*' It is remarkable that the doctrine of local self-government is most 
bitterly assailed in some of the New P^ngland States, which owe their 
political power to this principle. Equal representation is given to 
eacli State in the Senate, the most important branch of the federal 
system, for it has not only the law making power in common with 
the House of Representatives, but also the power to confirm treaties 
(which are superior to laws), and to restrain the Executive by re- 
jecting otFicial appointments. The Senate holds in check every other 
department of Government. 

" If New England was asked to give up its disproportionate power iu 
the Senate, it would point to the constitutional compact. Then let 
New England see that the compact is respected where it gives as 
well as where it takes. If it was urged that, with a population leas 
than that of New York, New England has ten Senators and ten elec- 
toral votes beyond its proportionate share, and that the Constitution 
should be amended to do away with this inequality, the answer 
would be, that it was the wise policy of our Constitution to uphold 
State sovereignties : that the organization of the Senate was designed 
to prevent interference with local affairs b}^ the General Government ; 
that representation by States was intended to keep alive the princi- 
ples of local self-government. For these reasons the small States 
are allowed a disproportionate share of power in the Senate. With- 
out these reasons, the disparity would be intolerable. But the power 
v/as given only for defensive, not for aggressive purposes. Nor will 
it be tolerated for other ' purposes. The disproportion of power be- 
comes greater each j'^ear. Most of the new States have, each of them, 
land fit for cultivation equal to the aggregate of the six New England 
States. Many of them far exceed that amount. In a few years they 
will fill up with population, while your numbers will not increase. 
If a meddling policy is to prevail in our country, an undue share of 



COEKCIVE TEMPERANCE LAW. 55 

power will not be allowed. Your remote and sequestered position, 
touching the rest of the Union only on the borders of New York, will 
lesson your influence. The principle of interference may be brought 
home to you, and in defense you will be compelled to urge the prin- 
ciples of local self-government and State rights, which has ever been 
the creed of the democratic party. Yet, blind to these considera- 
tions, the legislators of this State have been violent in their action 
against the principle of local sovereignty, which alone give it power,, 
and most declamatory against the compromise of the Constitution, 
which alone give it influence, for the whole number of the citizens is 
only equal to the annual increase in the population of /the United 
States. " 

COERCIVE TEMPERANCE LAW. 

" I will present for your consideration the different phases of this 
spirit of political interference. We have forced upon us in many of 
the States a coercive temperance law, which is claimed by its advo- 
cates to be a new and certain remedy for most of the evils which 
affect society, but which is an oft- repeated and always futile effort to 
extend the jurisprudence of statutory laws beyond their proper 
bounds. 

" The objections to this measure are twofold. It violates constitu- 
tional laws, and it will increase the evils it claims to abolish. At 
this tune many speak lightly of constitutional law. They are impa- 
tient that their peculiar view§ are checked by its barriers, not bear- 
ing in mind that it is their only safeguard against unjust or hasty 
legislation, affecting their lives, their liberties, and their rights of 
conscience. "We are made free by written constitutions restraining 
majorities and protecting minorities, and forbidding the legislator."? 
from touching a single right of a single citizen. In these daj's of 
legislative encroachment and legislative corruption, it is the duty of 
every citizen to uphold constitutional law. It is strange that those 
who demand respect for coercive temperance laws should show con- 
tempt for the more sacred obligations of constitutions — that those 
who call for submission tu legislative euaetments denounce and re- 
vile the higher decision of judicial tribunals. The objections to this 
legislation are of the gravest kind. It is not merely against drinking, 
but against thinking. It is a mere precedent full of evil. It is well 
described by an eminent clerg.vmau as a ' lazy philanthropy which 
tries to get rid of the duties of life by declaring its evils are abolished 
by act of Legislature,' 

" Its first and greatest miscliief is the demoralization and disorgani- 



56 HOIT. HORATIO SEITMOUR. 

zation of temperance efforts. No cause can receive a blow mora 
deadly than that which degrades the passions and motives of its ad- 
vocates. Tlie efforts of those engaged in promoting temperance by 
reason and persuasion, were ' twice blessed.' They enlarge their 
own intellect, and improve their own characters, while they influ- 
enced and benefited others. But when the law gives them power 
over their fellow-men, poor human nature shows its wonted weakness. 
Prrde and passion are aroused, and provoke resistance where per- 
suasion has heretofore prevailed. I do not mean to urge against this 
measure that it has unworthy advocates or indiscreet friends, but 
that its tendency is to arouse bad passions in the breasts of men who 
have heretofore been humane and charitable-^that the power which 
it gives them over the consciences and actions of others, creates a 
vindictive spirit on the one hand and calls forth resistance on the 
Other. 

" What are the effects on the minds of good men when excited by 
the idea of coercion? They become inflamed with passion, and in- 
dulge in reckless assertions against character — evil imputations 
against motive — and flippant denunciations of. judicial decisions. 
These passions have been exhibited even in the pulpit, and teachers 
of a meek and charitable religion adopt tlie very language of the 
enemies of its author, when denouncing men as wine-bibbers and 
friends of publicans and sinners. It is hard to believe when listen- 
ing to their invectives, that they are servants of Him who was tluia 
reviled because He proposed to do fiway with the laws which re- 
strained the actions of men, and to introduce in their place the prin- 
ciples which purify the hearts and motives. The statute giving them 
power over their fellow-men, like Ithuriel's spear, touches the love 
of power lurking in the heart of all, and evil spirits spring into full 
force and stature. 

" The reasoning urged by the advocates of this statute is this : 'In- 
temperance is an evil. It is the duty of Government to suppress 
evil ; therefore, a coercive law is right.' The evil is conceded, and 
those who feel its magnitude can not and will not consent to any 
measures which increase it. But we must not stop with depicting 
these evils in glowing and exciting terms. The great question is 
this: Is coercion a rightful and effectual remedy? This question is 
usually overleaped in order to reach the denunciatory exercises. 
The remedy is either a new one, or one which has heretofore failed. 
In either event, its advocates are hasty in vilifying those who doubt 
its efficacy. The arguments upon which it is founded have caused 
most of the political, social, and religious evils which oppress man* 



COERCIVE TEMPERANCE LAW. 57 

kind. Those who hold or usurp power, are wont to say that they 
deem heresy, or infideUtj', or dangerous habits of thinking freely, 
evils, and that it is the duty of a State to remove evils, and there- 
fore they may punish freedom of thinking, as well as freedom of 
drinking. In all these cases the real question is overlooked. 
What are the right remedies ? 

" The bad effects of this law upon its advocates have been seen. 
Another objection is, that it creates a spirit of resistance which 
increases the evil it claims to root out. This fact is shown by the 
experience of different periods in tlie world's history. The use of par- 
ticular narcotics amongst most nations, has been confirmed by efforts 
to suppress cheir consumption by force. 

" The cause of Temperance was irresistible in the State of Maine, 
while it was upheld by reason and persuasion. It was broken down 
by legislation. The authors of the bill, in the narrowness of their 
intellect, could not see that truth was stronger than statutes. "We 
are advised by commercial men, and by the missionary journals of 
Cliina, that the attempt to put down the use of Opium by force, has 
been followed by the greatest social, moral, and political evils. 
There, as here, a dead law is like a dead limb upon a living man ; it 
must be cut off, or it will carry decay and corruption into every part 
of the system. The mischiefs which we begin to feel, are there de- 
veloped to their full extent, and he who will trace them there in all 
their influences, will be startled to find how great are the wrongs 
which grow out of mistaken principles of legislation, although 
prompted by good motives, 

" The concealed currents of vice, like undercurrents of water, are 
most insidious and destructive. At this time, the Maine law in several 
States converts a dangerous, and in many circumstances a d^'structive 
habit of drinking intoxicating liquors into one more dangerous and per- 
nicious for it superadds the meanness of cmcealment, and the demorali- 
zation of hypocrisy. It also makes it more difficult to apply timely 
correctives to pernicious habits. You can not warn against the se- 
ductive habit, without first convicting of an unlawful and secret 
practice. In the mean tune the taste has become irresistible. Pro- 
hibitory laws have not prevented drinking ; they have made it mora 
hurtful by introducin, ; untruthful pretexts for its use. 

'•Let the advocates of temperance see what spirit this enactment 
lias evoked. Is this the day of triumph for their cause? Persua- 
sion requires virtue, ability and sincerity. Coercive laws are best 
enforced by the violent, vindictive and base. Hence these are now 
taking the lead. They even show a malignant hostility to thosa 
3* 



58 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

"who have labored long and sacrificed mnch for the objects they claim 
to have in view if they refuse to become politically subservient. 
Men out of repair^iorally or politically in their struggles for pariy 
advantages throw the consistent advocates of temperance into the 
back-ground — a benevolent enterprise has fallen into the hands of 
those afflicted with a ' vindictive philanthropy,' whicli deranges 
them with the idea that they are virtuous, because they are denun- 
ciatory. The wise and the thoughtful are overruled by men raging 
with the delirium tremens of fanaticism, who assail the most sacred 
offices of religion, who see foul serpents coiling upon the Sacrament- 
al altar, infusing their venom into the sacred elements, and hissing 
amid the solemnities of the Last Supper. 

" The terms of the law go beyond the sentiment of all classes, and 
cause a constant inconsistency of language and action. Public offi- 
cers, judges, and clergymen, are compelled to denounce the use of 
wine as crime, when speaking with all the solemnities of official 
station, or invested with the sacredness of the pulpit. Yet they 
show by their constant intercourse with those who do not use in- 
toxicating liquors, that this is a formal language, a mockery, a com- 
pliance with the terms of law which all feel to be untrue. 

" The vital principle of the Christian religion is persuasion, in oppo- 
sition to restraints. It makes temperance and' all other virtues 
something positive. It aims to make men unwilling, not unable to 
do wrong. It educates alike the feelings and the understanding, the 
heart and the head. All experience shows that mere restraints from 
vice do not reform. Our prisons are the examples of the perfect 
system of restraint. Their inmates for a long series of years, are 
entirely prevented from indulging in intemperance or any kindred 
evil. They lead lives of perfect regularity, industry and propriety, 
because they are compelled to do so. Yet lew are reformed by this. 
Our instincts teach us that forced propriety of conduct gives no as- 
surance of future virtue, on the contrary, the very fact that they 
have been subjected to it, is by courts and communities regarded as 
evidence of depravity. 

"The very condition of restraint is found to be a positive obstacle 
in the way of the influences of religious education, when brought to 
bear upon the inmates of our prisons. Are the advocates of the 
temperance law willing to place themselves upon the footing on 
which they strive to place others? "Will they give up their convic- 
tions of duty and propriety — surrender every positive virtue, and be- 
come temperance men merely because they can not drink ? They 
will shrink from the application of a principle to themselves which 



COERCIVE TEMPERANCE LAW. 59 

they try to apply to others. They know that virtues wither and dio 
out under such systems. The law has and does lead away from the 
right remedy to the wrong one, I know that it is difficult to draw 
the line where persuasion should eud and coercion begin. This has 
ever been the problem which has embarrassed legislatures : but this 
wo do know, that the progress of civilization, morality and virtue, 
has been marked by the extension of education and religion and the 
contraction of coercive laws. 

" Governments emanate from the people, and merely represent their 
morality or intelligence. The folly which looks to governments to 
evolve the virtues, is like the ignorance which regards the thermom- 
eter as a regulator of temperature, or the barometer as the controller 
of the weather. 

" We object, then, to this law, because it demoralizes temperance 
men, making them vindictive and violent ; because it arouses a spirit 
of resistance, increasing the evils of intemperance ; because it is a 
step backward in civilization, substituting restraints for education. 
All admit that it is better to be temperate from choice, from thought 
and resolution, than from coercion. Who doubts that persuasioa 
will win more than force ? 

" But it is said in a triumphant tone, if the law will increase intem- 
perance, why do the sellers of intoxicating liquors object to it? 
Leaving out of view differences of opinion with regard to the pro- 
priety of their use as drink, this very law concedes their necessity for 
mechanical, medical, and sacred uses — but while it recognizes the le- 
gality and necessity of their manufacture and sale, it strives to make 
both odious, dangerous, and degrading, and this is naturally resisted 
by men whose objects are higher than mere gain, and who do not 
wish to see a business pursuit of conceded necessity, forced into the 
hands of those indifferent to their right of public sentiment. 

" I do not assail the motives of its advocates, but good motives do 
not prevent the evil results of false principles. A good motive (to 
save men's soul's) originated the slave trade. The same good mo- 
tives kindled the fires of the Inquisition. Good motives and wrong 
principles have lain at the root of almost every evil which has op- 
pressed and afflicted mankind. 

" It is gratifying that the great body of the clergy reject this union 
with the State. They continue to put their faith in the Christian 
and not in the Legislative dispensation. Their less sagacious breth- 
ren will soon find where their infidel alliances will lead them." 



60^\^ HON. noRxVTio sEY:iroiTR. 

X^DEPENSE OP ADOPTED CITIZEXS. 

" While the coercionist is trying to limit the freedom of its neigh- 
bors, two other parties, actuated by the same sentiment of political 
meddling, are assailing different classes of our people. We have 
'know-nothings' who wish to disfranchise those who come, and 
* republicans ' who are resolved to disfranchise those who go. The 
first, hold that those who come from the other side of the Atlantic, 
shall gain no political rights; the last assort that the citizens who go 
beyond the Missouri, should lose the rights of self-government they 
enjoy at home. Each party unite to place a class of persons in a 
condition of pupilage. They assflme that men who have the vigor, 
energy, and enterprise, to leave their native land, are unfit to take 
care of themselves. They reverse every American sentiment. They 
believe that those who have hazarded their lives and fortunes, in 
their efforts to get homes and freedom for themselves and their fami- 
lies, have less interest in theirown welfare than others have for them. 
These two parties hold in common, that men who emigrate will 
make better citizens if deprived of political right. What v/ould our 
laborers say, if told they would make better workmen if they were 
not allowed to become their own employers ? What would the ap- 
prentice think, if he was advised that he would be more faithful if 
he was not permitted to become a master mechanic ? Or the lawyer 
if debarred from the Judge's seat, to make him a more trustworthy 
advocate ? They would denounce such suggestions, they would de- 
mand encouragement for efibrts, by the hopes of all the honors and 
advantages of their pursuits. The folly of trying to make good 
mechanics, lawyers, and doctors, by disfranchising them, is no great- 
er than the folly which believes men can be made good citizens by 
taking from them the rights of citizenship. 

" It is claimed that the original settlers of our country were endowed 
with all the cardinal virtues, and that they were the atithors of our 
civil and religious liberty. Our forefathers committed more outrages 
upon personal rights than the most bigoted impute to those who now 
come to our shores. Under the influence of fanaticism, they drown- 
ed and hung their feUow-citLzens. They were made wiser and better 
men by the enjoyment of full political rights in the land, and the 
modern emigrant must be allowed the full benefit of the same 
influences. 

" Is the action of your legislators consistent upon the subject ? 
They protest with justice against interference with the emigrants 
from this State to Kansas, \j'hen sent out by 'aid societies,' yet 



DEFENSE OF ADOPTED CITIZENS. 61 

tho border men of Missouri are only enforcing the laws which 
Massachusetts has passed against any foreigner who may be placed 
upon its shores by means of charitable assistance. He is called a 
pauper, and sent back across the ocean. Can that be wise and humane 
here, whieh is denounced as ruffianism and wrong in Kansas. 

" Absurd efforts are made to trace all the virtues of the American 
character back to the early colonist ; to find the germs of our insti- 
tutions in their first acts after landing upon our shores, and thus to 
make a distinction between them and the modern emigrant. It is 
assumed that the former were models of virtue and wisdom, and 
that we get from them our ideas of civil and religious liberty. 
Nothing can be more fallacious. 'A contentious feeling was shown 
in the May Flower, for it is given as a reason for forming a govern- 
ment by its emigrants, that, 'observing some not well affected to 
unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was 
thou;^ht good to combine together in one body, and to submit to 
such government and governors as they should, by common consent, 
agree to make and choose.' The same considerations of religious 
freedom, or of personal advantage, which led the early colonists to 
the shores of this continent continue to draw hither the inhabitants 
of the old world. No one denounces the early emigration because 
there were criminals mingled among the good and wise, 

" The know-nothing idea, that men will make better citizens if de- 
prived of political privileges, is most undemocratic ; that religious 
sentiments should be persecuted and denounced, is most un-American; 
and tliat homes should be denied to the poor and oppressed in our 
abundant unoccupied public domain, is most uncharitable and un- 
christian. 

" Wliat is this emigration that is thus denounced ? It is the victory 
of our country and its institutions. It is a mighty achievement in 
our contest for superiority with the old world. It is a triumph of 
peace. It is a glorious contrast with the devastations of war. It 
annually brings three hundred thousand 'pilgrims,' and transplants 
them into happy homes, making them prosperous, and our nation great, 
while, elsewhere, war sacrifices an equal number upon the battle 
field and by loathsome disease. It is the manifestation of the supe- 
rior power of commerce over mere martial strength. While great 
nations exhaust their energies, embarrass their finances, and carry 
misery and desolation into the homes of their people, in transporting 
their armies to death and disease on distant shores, a few mercliants 
of this city bring a greater host across the broad Atlantic, and never 
feel that it is more than an easy apd familiar transaction. Com- 



62 HON. HOEATIO SETMOUE. 

pared with this great movement, the subjects of European diplomacy 
are Jtrivial. This is the great combat which is to tell upon the 
destinies of the nation, and the history of the world. No Alexander 
or Cajsar in the height of their conquests, ever made such acquisitions 
of power as emigration brings to us. 

'' But those who are against the cause of their country in this con- 
test, contend that emigration brings with it destitution, poverty 
and crime. Trace these bands of strong-limbed but poor foreigners 
untU they plant themselves upon the hitherto useless land of the 
West, and see how wealth is evolved by their yevj contact with 
the soiL They were poor, and the fertile land was valueless, but 
combine these two kinds of poverty and the wealth which alchemists 
dreamed of, is the magical result. Whence the increase of the price 
of farms and lots, and broad, untilled lands, which has given to so 
many of our citizens wealth and prosperity ? Whence comes this 
mighty volume of prosperity which rolls over our land ? What 
gives employment to our cars and boats and ships, transporting 
armies of men, and retransporting the produce of their labor? 
Stop foreign emigration to this country, and thousands of those 
who ignorantly denounce the cause of the wealth they enjoy, would 
find their abundant prosperity wither and die away like Jonah's 
gourd. 

" There is danger that this source of prosperity and power will bo 
diverted elsewhere. It does not flow to our shores because we alone 
have fertile lands; there are broad, unoccupied plains, not owned 
by us, in South America and Australia. Emigration seeks hero 
religious and poUtic.il freedom and equality. Will it do so hereafter 
in view of late occurences? Recent outrages have been perpetra- 
ted aptly for the purpose of governments who are adopting active 
measures to turn elsewhere these living streams of population. 
British naturalization laws are changed in favor of emigration to 
tlie Canadas. Continental governments, under pretext of protecting 
the health of their subjects, impose vexatious and embarrassing re- 
straints upon our vessels engaged in their transportation. The 
diminished number of emigrants ' during the past year shows that 
result. , 

"Divert emigration from our country, and you strike a deadly blow 
at its prosperity. Why are the farmers in the interior of our Slates 
able to send the fruits of their toil to foreign markets ? Mainly because 
the cost of their transportation is lessened by emigration. When 
we trace out all its influences permeating every industrial purpose, we 
are amazed at the madness and folly that seeks to divert it elsewhere, 



POLITICAL MEDDLING WITH EIGHTS OF STATES. 63 

and ashamed of the bigotry and ignorance which prompts the effort. 
The charges of pauperism and criminality made against our foreign 
ciiizens are unjust. Their violations of law, while they are not 
familiar with our institutions, and when placed under circumstances 
of great and novel temptations, are no more frequent than the com- 
mission of crimes by those of American birth, when removed from 
the conventional restraints of kindred and friends, in California, or 
on the shorea of the Gulf of Mexico or the Caribbean Seas." 

POLITICAL MEDDLING WITH THE RIGHTS OF SELF-GOVERNMENT l^ 
STATES AND TEURITORIES. 

"The spirit of political meddling with tlie affairs of others, and 
with the rights of man on account of birth or religion, has naturally 
given birth to a desire to interfere viiih distinct and distant com- 
munities. The idea of disfranchising those who go as well as those 
who come, inevitably grew up in the minds of those who wish to 
control the action of others. Such minds instinctively war against 
self-government by communities as well as by individuals. 

" At this time a party powerful in numbers, resources and talents, 
in opposition to the warning and entreaties of the patriotic, whom 
the American people love and reverence, have entered into the 
pending political contest with the determination of arraying one 
section of our common country against another. Its presses con- 
stantly urge upon the public attention every thing of past, present, 
or fancied occurrence which is calculated to excite the prejudices or 
arouse the passions of the North against the South. This treasonable 
conduct is called a necessary measure of defense against the aggress- 
ive power and political influences of ihe South. 

"The people of the North are uniformly opposed to slavery, not 
from hostility to the South, but because it is repugnant to our senti- 
ments, lu conformity with our views we have abolished slavery 
here, and having exercised our rights in our own way, we should 
be willing to let other communities have tlie same rights and privi- 
leges we have enjoyed. We are bound to act upon our faith in the 
principles of self-government. * * * 

*' The republican organization proposes an assault upon the Southern 
States by a system of agitation and excitement, directly at war with 
the purposes of the Constitution. They constantly discuss question.s 
belonging to other States, to the entire ncglecL of their own local 
affairs. Tliey orgimizo their party expressly on the ground that all 
and every difference of opinion about their own concerns are to be 



64: HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

overlooked, provided they agree in their views about an institution 
which does not exist in their own States, and does exist in States 
where they admit they have no constitutional riglit to interfere. 
The}' give dispensation for all past offenses. Enrollment in tlieir 
ranks expiates the most deadly heresies in doctrines and conduct? 
and exempts from the performance of all acts of charity, mercy or 
benevolence. Tlie Union, among its members, is a libel upon their 
past professions and actions. They mock at consistency. They ask 
the foreign born citizen to unite with them in interfering with men 
afar off, and thus justify interference with their own religious and 
political rights at home. They invite the opponent of the Maine 
Law to unite with them to coerce those who live west of the Mis- 
souri, and thus justify coercion by their own neighbors. The pre- 
text for this evasion of the Constitution, is the affairs of a single 
territory. The discussion, the appeals to passion and' the influences 
of their actions, are not confined to that point; nor can they stop a 
that point, if they succeed in their present efforts. They must go 
to the extent of interfering with the sovereignties of the State. 
Their out-spoken allies, the abolitionists, declare that such are their 
intentions. The pretext for the war now waged against the South- 
is an alleged invasive policy on its part. Conscious of the wicked, 
ness of a sectional warfare, an attempt is made to show that their 
pohcy is defensive," ^ 

CONCLUSION. 

" To charge upon the advocates of the let-alone policy the fruits of 
meddling, and thus attempt to justify interferences, is no new device. 
Tyrants always denounce liberty as anarchy ; freedom of conscience 
as infidelity ; reliance upon education and intelligence as immorality 
and disorder ; and to the extent of their power they take care that 
all possible evils attend every effort to emancipate mind, action or 
conscience. Tliis is the character of the warfare waged upon the 
democratic party. He who upholds the principle of interference, is 
responsible for interference. He who stands by the principle of 
local self-government, is not responsible for acts against which he 
protests in principle and practice. Every man knows that peace 
and good order will not be restored to this land while the press and 
political agitators urge sectional hatred and interference with local 
affairs. 

" The evils of political meddling \yith morals, religion, and the rights 
of distinct communities are not only of a public nature, but they 
affect individual character. It causes the Pharisaic spirit which ia 



CONCLUSION OF SPEECH. 65 

prevalent in our country. It creates false standards of virtue. It 
misleads men in their estimates of themselves. How many men, 
harsh and hard in their dealings with their fellow-citizens, fancy 
themselves benevolent because they cherish a hatred of real or fan- 
cied wrong in remote parts of our country? How many who omit 
the charities and kindnesses of daily life, who forget to aid the poor in 
the next street, guiet their consciences by denunciations of those 
whom they charge with being wrongdoers a thousand rniles away ? 
How many bad men gain influence and power at home by occupying 
the public mind with alleged wrongs abroad ? How many arrogate 
to themselves an exclusive Christianity because they reverse every 
principle of its teachings in their sentiments toward their fellow- 
men? How many have given rilles for Kansas wlio would not give 
aid to their suffering neighbors. The present practice of stirring up 
popular passions, threatens to destroy all freedom of opinion, and all 
individuality of action. 

"The pulpit and the press are becoming unfaithful. They follow 
in the wake of popular excitement. They do not point out nor 
combat tlie fjiults of readers or hearers, but administer to the self- 
complacency by fierce denunciations of their distant fellow-citizens. 
They assume the bearing of courage while acting upon the princi- 
ples of cowardice. 

" Fanaticism gives its subjects no rest. It drives them on from one 
subject of excitement to another, from one hatred to another, from 
one persecution to another. We know tliat the political fanatic of 
to-day will be foremost in the religious persecutions of to-morrow. 

"The leprosy of hypocrisy is spread over our land, giving us an 
outward whiteness because there is an internal corruption. Reli- 
gion," charity and morals are hidden by ' vindictive piety ' and 
'malignant benevolence,' at war with every principle of Christianity. 
Unless the good and patriotic rebuke this spirit of cant and fanati- 
cism, the sourness and hatred of the 'round head' will again, in 
its reaction, bo followed by the gross licentiousness of the cavaUer." 



CHAPTEK YIII. 

FROM 1854 TO 18&1. * • 

CINCINNATI CONVENTION. 

Between tLe close of the year 1854 and the 
Presidential canvass of 1856, Governor Seymour 
was indefatigable in his efforts to heal the breaches 
which threatened the intemtv of the Demo- 
cratic party ; as well as to arouse the country to 
a true sense of the danger froai the violent sec- 
tional ao^itations and conflicts then inaus^urated for 
party purposes by the Northern Republican leaders. 
No public man was more outspoken and earnest in 
the discussion of public matters ; and he, more 
than any other living Democratic politician, can- 
vassed the State and nation. lie was nev^er a dumb 
or timid candidate; nor a time-serving politician. 
On all public questions he had well-matured and 
well-defined views, and convictions which he never 
sought to conceal from his fellow-citizens. 

During this period also, he delivered several ad- 
dresses before various literarj^ and other societies ; 
and received from Hamilton College and from the 
iS^orwich University the honorary degree of LL.D. 
He spent much time at the West, studying the char- 
acteristics and topography of the country, and the 
wants and necessities of its people. 



HIS INPLUENCE IN THE NOMINATING C0NVEN170N. 67 

The system of State commissions was instituted 
for partv-pnrposes, at this period, with the intent of 
taking from the great city of ISTew York control 
over their own affairs, and placing the same in the 
hands of the bold and bad men that came into power 
v/ith the Eepublican party. Among the iirst of tlieso 
partisan and aggressive schemes was the original 
organization of the metropolitan police, v/hich, at 
the time, was generally looked upon as a glaring 
violation of the letter of the State Constitution, as 
well as of the true theory of popular government. 
After some resistance on the part of the local author- 
ities, the legal question was presented to the Court of 
Appeals; and that body felt competent to decide that 
the evasion of the Constitution by the creation of 
the metropolitan district, was so complete, that the 
law must be sustained. Hiram Denio — an able jurist 
and prominent Democrat — delivered the opinion of the 
Court, which opinion was adverse to the views and 
sentiments of the great mass of the Democratic 
party, and particularly distasteful to the Democratic 
officials in the city. 

Cotemporaneous with the publication of this de- 
cision, was held the nominating convention of ISoT, 
when a successor to Judge Denio was to be selected. 
The party demanded a new candidate, and few 
deemed the re-nominatiniy of the Judo:e either desir- 
able or possible. At the very moment when the 
selection was about to be made, and after new names 
had been suggested, and speeches had been made 
denouncing the decision of the Court, Mr. Seymour, 
then a delegate from the county of Oneida, ascended 



68 HOK. HOEATTO SEYMOUR. 

the platform, and proposed the re nomination of 
Judge Denio, advocating the same as the true mode 
of vindicating the sincerity of the party in its pro- 
fessions of respect for an independent judiciary. 
Althou"^h hostile to the system of commissions, and 
differing from Judge Denio in his views of the law, 
" Yet," said he, " let us nominate him, not because 
we approve his decision, but because we respect his 
office, have confidence in his motives, and are willing 
to accept and observe any statute legitimately passed 
and affirmed by the courts." ^' It is," said he, *' the 
pride, the boast, and the strength of the Democratic 
party, that it is law-abiding^ It is this that consti- 
tutes its conservatism, making it at the same time 
the party of progress and reform, and in its submis- 
sion to lawful authority and observance of constitu- 
tional compacts, the guardian of the National Faith, 
the rights of the States, and the property and liber- 
ties of the citizens." 

The occasion was one of great excitement ; and 
the speech of Governor Seymour, the proudest of 
his whole life. The Convention at first listened in 
respectful silence, until convinced, when, catching 
the enthusiasm of the eloquent speaker, it broke into 
applause. The issue had been met, and the victory 
was complete. Judge Denio was promptly re-nomi- 
nated by a convention that radically difiered with 
him on this question ; and he was triumphantly 
elected by the people. This attitude of the party 
carried the State, although a majority of the people 
were then in party sympathy with their opponents. 

In the Cincinnati Convention, Governor Seymour 



THE FAEMER STATESMAN. 69 

was its leading delegate. His friends inclined to the 
support of Judge Douglas, but cordially acquiesced 
in tlie selection of Buchanan and Breckinridge; in 
whose behalf he made strenuous exertions, speaking 
in almost every county in the State, in other States, 
and wherever requested by the committee directing 
the campaign. These valuable services were appre- 
ciated by President Buchanan, who, on his accession 
to power, tendered to Governor Seymour a position 
abroad — suggesting a fii'st class mission to one of the 
European courts — a post for which Seymour was ad- 
mirably qualitied by nature and education ; but flat- 
tering as was the offer, and desirable as was the posi- 
tion. Governor Seymour preferred to remain in pri- 
vate life. 

When relieved from the duties of public office. 
Governor Seymour resumed his country life. It has 
been a desire with him to promote the substantial 
and permanent interests of agriculture ; and the ac- 
complishment of such a result would undoubtedly 
give him more satisfaction, and be the source of more 
unalloyed pleasure, than success in almost any other 
department of business. 

This trait in the Governor's character is well 
understood by his neighbors, and by many agricul- 
turists of other States. Soon after his nomination 
for the Presidency, the following appreciative article 
appeared in a leading paper published in Pennsyl- 
vania : — 

*' Tloratio Seymour, altliough a man of the most brilliant parts — a 
profound scholar, a rai\gaificent orator, a wise, sagacious and expe- 
rienced statesman — is only a plain farmer after all. From the peace- 



70 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

ful and pleasant occupations of rural life, he has been called by the 
unanimous voice of the great party of the people to become their 
standard-bearer in the mighty contest in which they are about to 
engage. He did not seek this office. The ofBce— as all offices should 
— sought him, and he stands before the nation to-day as the proud- 
est specimen of American yeomanry the world ha.s ever looked upon. 
In the quiet retirement of his country home, he has, while earnestly 
devoting himself to the tilling of the soil, been giving the best ener- 
gies of his comprehensive mind to national affairs. Familiar with all 
the details of government, thoroughly versed in national finances, 
accuratel}' comprehending the wants of the nation at this imminent 
crisis in its history, he will bring to the office to which ho will un- 
doubtedly be elected in November next, a combination of qualiUca- 
tions such as have never been surpassed by any of the distinguished 
incumbents of the Presidential chair. 

" We are proud to direct attention to the fact that our greatest 
statesman is a farmer. The great agricultural interest — the leading 
interest of the country — will receive at his hands the attention it so 
richly deserves — that attention which its vastness and importance 
imperatively demand, but which hitherto has not been given it. Our 
rural friends may point with just pride to the great farmer statesman 
— the finest representative of his class the world has ever looked 
upon. Under his administration the farmer may rest assured that 
the hitherto groaLly neglected interests of agriculture will be properly 
attended to — that it will be made to occupy that position in our 
national industrial pursuits to which it is justly entitled. Let the 
yeoman r}' of the land rally to his support. His sympathies are in 
full accord with their interests. Ho understands in all their details 
the agricultural wants of the country. He comprehends the vital 
relation they hold to our national prosperity. His enlarged experi- 
ence as a statesman, coupled with his extended practical experience 
as a farmer, render him of all other men the man to whom the 
farmer should extend his warmest support." 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR. 

PtnsLic events durins! Mr. Buchanan's administra- 
tion excited alarm in the minds of all thoughtful 
men ; they heard with dread, constant appeals to 
sectional passions and prejudices. The people of the 
North and South were taught to hate each other : 
the value of tlie Union was underrated. Statements 
were put forth to show that the Southern States cost 
more than they were worth to the IN'orth. When 
warned by the more thoughtful portion of the com- 
munity of the impending danger of civil war, those 
who attempted to point out the dangers that lay in 
their pathway were treated with contetnpt and 
derision, and were sneered at as '' Union Saviors." 
With others, Governor Seymour put forth his utmost 
efforts to avert the calamities which have been 
brouglit upon our country by sectional passions. 
He addressed meetings in his own and other States ; 
and encountered the reproaches which were heaped 
upon all who attempted to keep alive the spirit 
which animated the founders of our constitutional 
form of government. It was said that the South 
could not be driven out of the Union. When, at 
length, the contest actually began, the same preju- 
dices and passions which brought it on misled the 



^2 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUE. 

public mind witli respect to its nature and magnitude. 
It was treated hy the leaders of the Kepublican 
party as a feeble and brief attempt to resist the 
Federal authority. It was still held that the South 
was incapable of supporting itself without northern 
aid ; and it was firmly believed if the Mississippi was 
closed, and the North witheld its supplies, the South 
would be reduced at once to abject submission. In 
vain did Governor Seymour and others point to 
official statistics and to the history of our countrj^ to 
dispel these fatal errors. They were denounced as 
traitors because they warned the people and Govern- 
ment against the inadequate measures of the ad- 
minstration, which were simply wasting the blood 
and treasures of the IN'orth. They were insulted 
because they uttered truths about the resources of 
the South, which should have been familiar to every 
school-boy. An effort was made to avert actual war 
by means of what was called the Peace Congress. 
A convention was also held at Albany of the leading 
men of the State of ISTew York, and, among others, 
it was addressed by Governor Seymour. He showed 
the resources of the South and the horrors of the 
impending civil war, and urged some measures to 
prevent it. He contrasted two scenes in our history 
in the following eloquent language : — 

"Threescore and ten years, t^e period allotted for the life of man, 
have rolled away since George "Washington was inaagurated first 
President of the United States, in the city of New York. We were 
then among the feeblest people of the earth. The flag of Great 
Britain still waved over Oswego with insulting defiance of our 
national rights, and the treaty recognizing our independence. The 



SPEECH AT ALBANY. T3 

powers of the world regarded us with indifference or treated us with 
contemptuous injusiice. So swift has been our progress under the 
influence of our Union thai but yesterday we could defy the world 
in arms, and none dared to insult our flag. When our Constitution 
was inaugurated the utmost enthusiasm pervaded our land. Stern 
warriors who had fought the battles of the Revolution wept for 
joy. Glad processions of men and women marched with triumphal 
pride along the streets of our cities — holy men of God prayed in His 
Temples that the spirit of fraternal love, which had shaped the 
compromises of the Constitution, might never fade away, and thai, 
sectional bigotry, hate and discord might never curse our land. 
Amid this wild enthusiasm there was no imagination so excited, nor 
piety with faith so strong, that it foresaw the full influence of tho 
event then celebrated. Some yet live to see their numbers increas- 
ed from four to thirty millions, our territories quadrupled aud ex- 
tended from the Atlantic to the Pacific, our power and progress the 
wonder of the world. Alas, sir, they also live to see the patriotism 
and fraternal love, which have wrought out tliese marvelous re|iilt.s 
die out, and the mighty fabric of our Government about to crumblo 
and fall, because the virtues which reared and upheld it have 
departed from our councils. 

" What a spectacle do we present to-day? Already sts: States havo 
withdrawn from this Confederacy. Revolution has actually begun. 
The term ' secession' divests it of none of its terrors, nor do argu- 
ments to prove secession iaconsistent with our Constitution, stay its 
progress or mitigate its evils. All virtue, patriotism, and intelligence 
seem to have fled from our national capital ; it has been well liken- 
ed to the conflagration of an asylum for madmen — some look on 
with idiotic imbecilitj^, some in sullen silence, and some scatter the 
firebrands which consume the fabric above them, and bring upon all 
a common destruction. Is there one revolting aspect in this scene 
which has not its parallel at the Capital of your country ? Do you 
not see there the senseless imbecihty, the garrulous idiocy, tho 
maddened rage displayed with regard to petty personal passions and 
party purposes, while the glory, the honor, and the safety of tho 
country are all forgotten. The same pervading fanaticism has 
brought evil upon all the institutions of our land. Our churches 
are torn asunder and desecrated to partisan purposes. The wrongs 
of our local legislation, the growing burdens of debt and taxatioi;, 
the gradual destruction of the African in the free States, which is 
marked by each recurring census, aro all duo to tlio neglect of our 
own duties, Ciuacd by tiio campbie absorptioji of the public mind bv a 
4 



74: HON. HORA-TIO SEYMOUR. 

senseless, unreasoning fanaticism. The agitation of the question of 
slavery, has thus far brought greater social, moral, and legislative 
evils upon the people of the free States than it has upon the 
institutions of those against whom it has been e:^cited. The wisdom 
of Franklin stamped upon the first coin issued by our Government 
the wise motto, ' mind your business 1' The violations of the homely 
proverb, which lies at the foundation of local rights, has, thus far, 
proved more hurtful to the meddlers in the affairs of others than to 
those against whom this pragmatic action is directed." 

When hostilities broke out and Fort Sumter was 
attacked, Governor Seymour was at the capital of 
the State of Wisconsin. Many of the democratic 
members of its Legislature consulted with him as to 
the course they should pursue. He advised them 
thafc it was their duty to uphold the administration 
in its efforts to enforce the laws; that they must 
accept the war as a fact, and there was but one side 
they could take in the contest ; that in all matters 
where the administration had the right to decide, 
citizens were bound to obey. 

"While he remained in that State, he aided in the 
fonnation of companies, which were organized in 
pursuance of President Lincoln's first call. He also 
addressed meetings in the State of Wisconsin on the 
4th of July, 1861, and on other occasions, urging 
upon all the duty of sustaining the Union. It is an 
honorable and pleasant fact, connected with his 
action in that State, than when he was assailed, while 
running for Governor in 1852, the charge that he 
had left New York for the purpose of being absent 
at the critical time when the war broke out, leading 
republicans holding high positions in the Western 
States, denounced this charge in writing as unjust 



HIS SERVICES TO THE UNION CAUSE. 75 

and untrue, and bore witness to the services lie had 
rendered to the Union cause. 

Upon his return from the West he had an interview 
with Governor Morgan, and Adjutant-General Hill- 
house, and at their request, was put at the head 
of the committee named to raise troops from the 
County of Oneida; and it is due to Governor 
Morgan and General Hillhouse to say, that at all 
times they have spoken in a just and honorable man- 
ner of the course of Governor Seymour, although « 
they held political views at variance with his. 

Governor Seymour has at aU. times felt the im- 
portance of a well regulated militia. He had urged 
this in his messages of 1853 and '54. The State 
military association was organized at that time by 
members of his staff. In 1862 he attended the 
meeting of this body at Albany, with a view of 
strengthening the military force of the State, and de- 
livered an address from which we make the folio wino^ 
brief extract : — 

" We denounce the rebellion as most wicked, hecause it wages war 
against the best government the world has ever seen. Remember there 
is guilt in negligence as well as in disobedience ; and there is danger, 
too. We complain that the arms of the General Government were, 
heretofore, unequally distributed. This is owing in part to the 
treasonable purpose of officials, but it is also due in part to our own 
neglect of our constitutional duties. Our enrolled militia should 
count more that five hundred thousand, but they do not exceed one- 
half of that number. Hence our quota of arms was diminished, and 
that of the Southern States increased. The want of these arms and 
a proper military organization, has added immensely to the cost of 
this war and to the burden of taxation. More than this, if wo had 
respected our constitutional obligation, we might, at the outset, havo 
plawd in the field a force tjhat would havo put out this rebellion 
when it was first kindled." 



76 HON. UOilATIO 5EYM0UK. 

At its conclusion Governor Morgan moved a vote 
of tlianks ; and the great services of Governor 
Seymour to the national cause were of them freely 
acknowledged. 



CHAPTEE X. 

ELECTION OF 1862. 

In the course of the year 1862, tlie Government was 
falling into utter confusion ; public confidence was 
weakened, and leading Republican papers proposed 
to push Mr. Lincoln from his place, and, by a revo-. 
lutionary act, to place another person in the Execu- 
tive Chair. The following extracts will show the 
length to which these conspirators were prepared to 
go. The Times of April 25, ISGl, under the head 
of " Wanted — a Leader," said : — 

" In every great crisis the human heart demands a leader that in- 
carnates its ideas, its emotions, and its aims. The moment he takes 
the helm, order, promptitude, and confidence follow as the necessary 
result. When we see such results, we know that a hero leads. No 
such hero at present directs aflairs." 

% if. %■}(.•}(. Sf. -^ if. 

" A holy zeal inspires every loyal heart to sacrifice comfort, prop- 
erty, and life even is nothing, because if we fail, we must give up 
these for our children, for humanity, and for ourselves. ' Where is 
the leader of this suhlione passionV Can the administration furnish 
him ? " 

From the Times, April 21, 1861 :— 

" The President must direct the great national arm, which only 
waits his command to deliver a blow that will end the war at once, 
or that arm, fired with a public rage which will brook no control or 
guidance, will deal out, in its blind wrath, a destruction more terrible 
and complete than ever a people suffered before. The interest of 
httnianity ivill he forgotten; and that will prove a u-ar of utter exter- 
mination^ which the President has now the povjer to control^ 



78 HON. nOEATIO SEYMOUR. 

From the Times, April 26, 1861 :— 

*' George Law only speaks the universal sentiments of the whole 
community, without reference to party or class, when he tells Presi- 
dent Lincoln that the Government must clear the path to Washington, 
or the people will do it for them. If any man of position as a mili- 
tary leader, or as a strong resolute commander, would offer to lead a 
force through Baltimore, with or without orders, he could have 
50,000 followers, as soon as they could rush to his standard." 

From tlie Times, April 21, 1861 :— 

"No one has observed carefully the development of public senti-* 
ment at the North, and especially in this city, during the last lea 
days, can doubt for a moment that our warning was perfectly justi- 
fied by the condition of affairs, and absolutely demanded for the 
preservation of the public peace. "We did not hesitate to say to tho 
President that unless he acted with more vigor, with more courage, 
with a more thorough comprehension of public exigencies, and of 
public sentiment than had been displayed, he ran the risk of plung- 
ing the Government into embarrassments, from which it could only 
be rescued by some one who should more accurately represent the 
sentiments and purposes of the American people." 

Further extracts of a similar character occm* in 
the speech of 1862, which is given below. 

Governor Seymour, while he felt the imbecility 
of the men in power — although he had opposed the 
election of Mr. Lincoin — denounced these treasonable 
purposes, in the Democratic Convention of Sept. 10, 
1862. At this Convention he was again enthusiasti- 
cally nominated for the office of Governor. He set 
forth, in the following terms, his views of tlie para- 
mount duties of American citizens at that crisis : — 

" Two years have not passed away since a Convention, remarkable 
for its numbers, patriotism, and intelligence, assembled at this place, 
to avert, if possible, the calamities which afflict our people. In re- 
spectful terms, it implored the leaders of the political party which 



HIS SPEECH AT THE CONVENTION. 79 

had triumphed at a recent election to submit to the people of this 
country some measure of conciliation which would save them from 
civil war. It asked that before we should be involved in the evils 
and horrors of domestic bloodshed, those upon whom it would bring 
bankruptcy and ruin, and into whose homes it would carry desolation 
and death, should be allowed to speak. That prayer for the riglits of our 
people was derided and denounced, and false assurances were given 
that there was no danger. The storm came upon us with all its fury 
— and the war, so constantly and clearly foretold, desolated our land. 
It is said no compromises would have satisfied the South. If we had 
tried them it would not now be a matter of discordant opinion. If 
these offers had not satisfied the South, they would have gratified 
loyal men at the North, and would have united us more perfectly. 

"Animated by devotion to our Constitution and Union, our people 
rallied to the support of the Government, and one year since showed 
an armed strength that astonished the world. "We again appealed 
to those who wielded this mighty material power, to use it for 
the restoration of the Union and to uphold the Constitution, and 
were told that he who clamored for his constitutional rights was 
a traitor! 

"Congress assembled. Inexperienced in the conduct of public 
affairs, drunk with power, it began its course of agitation, outrage, 
and wrong. The defeat of our arms at Manassas, for a time, filled 
it with terror. Under this influence, it adopted the resolution of Mr. 
Crittenden, declaring, — 

" ' That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon 
the country by the Disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms 
against the Constitutional Government, and in arms around the Capi- 
tol ; that in this National emergency Congress, banishing all feelings 
of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the 
whole country; that this war is not waged, on their part, in any 
spirit of oppression or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, 
or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or estab- 
lished institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the 
supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union, with all the 
dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired, and 
that as soon as those objects are accomplished the war ought to 
cease.' 

"Again the people rallied around the flag of the Union. But no 
sooner were their fears allayed than they began anew the factious 
intrigues — the violent discussions and the unconstitutional legislation 
which over brings defeat and disgrace upon nations. In vain were 



80 ho:n\ houatio setmouk. 

they warned of the consequences of their follies. In vain did the 
President implore forbearance and moderation. No act was omitted 
which would give energy to the Secessionists, or which would humili- 
nte and mortify the loyal men of the South. Every topic calculated 
(o divide and distract the North was dragged into embittered de- 
bates. Proclamations *of emancipation were urged upon the Presi- 
dent, which could only confiscate the property of loyal citizens at the 
South ; for none others could be reached by the pov,^er of the Gov- 
ernment. The confiscation act had already forfeited the legal rights of 
all who were engaged in or who aided and upheld the rebellion. These 
were excited to desperate energy by laws which made their lives, 
their fortunes, the safety of their families and homes depend upon 
ihe success of their schemes. Prom the Dragon's teeth, sown broad- 
cast b}' Congress, have sprung the armies which have driven back 
our forces, and which now beleaguer the Capital of our country. 
Tlie acts of tlio National Legislature have given pleasure to the 
Abohtionists, victories to the Secessionists. But while treason re- 
joices and triumphs, defeat and disgrace have been brought upon 
the flag of our country and the defenders of our Constitution. 
TiVery man who visited Washington six months ago could see and 
feel we were upon the verge of disaster. Discord, jealousy, envy, 
and strife pervaded the atmosphere. 

" I went to the camp of our soldiers. Amid the hardships of an 
exhausting campaign — amid sufferings from exposure and want — 
amid those languishing upon beds of sickness, or those struck down 
by the casualties of war, I heard and saw only devotion to our 
Constitution, and love for our country's flag. Each eye brightened a3 
it looked upon the National standard with its glorious emblazonry of 
Stars and Stripes. Prom this scene of patriotic devotion I went into 
our. National Capitol. I traversed its mosaic pavements; I gazed 
upon its walls of polished marble ; I saw upon its ceilings all that 
wealth, lavishly poured out, could do to make them suggestive of our 
country's greatness and its wonderful wealth of varied productions. 
Art had exhausted itself in painting and sculpture, to make every as- 
pect suggestive of high and noble thought and purpose. Pull of the 
associations which cluster about this vast temple which should be 
<le<licated to patriotism and truth, I entered its legislative halls ; 
their gilded walls and gorgeous furniture did not contrast more 
strongly with the rude scenes of martial life than the glistening 
putrescence and thin lacquer of Congressional virtue contrast with 
the sterling loyalty and noble self-sacrifice of our country's defend- 
ers. I Mstoned to debates full of bitterness and strife. 



BIS SPEECH IN THE CONVEN'ilON. 81 

*' I saw in the camp a licartfelt homage to our national flag — a stern 
defiance of those who dared to touch its sacred folds with hostile 
hands. I heard in the Capito! threats of mutilation of its emblazonry — 
by striking down the life of States. He who would rend our National 
standard by dividing our Union is a traitor. He who would put 
out one glittering star from its azure field, is a traitor, too." 

THE PRESEXT CONDITION^ OF OUR COUNTRY. 

" Let us now confront the facts of our condition, and they shall be 
stated in the language of those who brought this administration into 
pov/er, and who now are politically opposed to the members of this 
Convention. After the expenditure of nearly one thousand millions 
of dollars, and the sacrifice of more than one hundred thousand 
Korlhern lives, in the language of the Evening Post: — 

" ' What has been the result? Our armies of the West, the, noble 
victors of Fort Donelson and Shiloh, are scattered so that no man 
knows their whereabout, while the foe they were sent to disperse 
is a hundred miles in their rear, threatening the cities of Tennessee 
and Kentucky, and even advancing toward one of the principal 
commercial cities of the Free States. There is no leadership, no 
unity of command, apparently no plan or concert of action in the 
entire region we have undertaking to hold and defend. At the same 
time, our army of the East, numbering 250,000 troops, fully arnied 
and equipped and admirably disciplined, after investing the Capital 
of the enemy, has been driven back to its original position on the 
Potomac, decimated in numbers and unprepared to make a single 
vigorous movement in advance.' 

" And it adds : — 

" * Now it is usless to shut our eyes to the fact that this is a fail- 
ure, disgraceful, humilating, and awful.' 

" The Evening Joiirnal, the accredited organ of the Secretary of 
State, now admits the truths uttered in this hall when we assembled 
here in February, 18G1, truths then denounced as absurd and trea- 
sonable. It says: — 

" 'The War has been a stern schoolmaster to the people of the 
loyal States. We have learned the folly of underrating our enemies. 
Wc have learned that they are equally brave, equally hardy, equally 
quick-witted, equally eq^^wo*-^ with martial qualities with ourselves. 
We have learned tb.at they are terribly in earnest in their efforts to 
achieve their ends, 

"The New York Tribme. declares that — 
4* 



82 HON. HUIIATIO SETMOUE. 

" ' The country is in peril. Yiewed from the standpoint of the 
public estimate of ' the situation,' it is iu extreme peril. The Rebels 
seem to be pushing forward their forces all along the border line, 
from the Atlantic to the Missouri. They are threatening the Poto- 
mac and the Ohio. They are striking at Washington, Cincinnati, and 
Louisville. This simultaneous movement is both alarming and en- 
couraging. It is alarming because, through the timidity, despondency 
or folly of the Federal Government, it may become temporarily 
successful, giving to the foe a lodgment in some portion of the Free 
States which may require weeks to break up.' 

*' But it is admitted by those who were opposed to us, that debt 
and defeat are not the heaviest calamities which weigh us down. A 
virtuous people and a pure government can bear up against any 
amount of outward pressure or physical calamity, but when rotten- 
ness and corruption pervade the legislative hall or executive depart- 
ment, the heart of the patriot faints and his arm withers. The 
organ of the Secretary of State admits : — 

" ' There have been mistakes. There have been speculations. 
"Weak men have disgraced, and bad men have betrayed the Govern- 
ment. Contractors have fattened on fat jobs. Adventurers have 
found the war a source of private gain. Moral desperadoes have 
flocked about the National Capital and lain in wait for prey. The 
scum of the land has gathered about the sources of power and defiled 
them by its reek and offensive odor. There has been mismange- 
mcnt in the departments ; mismanagement wherever great labor 
has been performed, and great respousibilties devolving. Men — 
even Presidents and Cabinet officers and Commanding Generals — 
have erred, because they could not grasp the full signiticance of the 
drama, and because they were compelled to strike out on untrodden 
paths.' — Evening Journal. 

" Hear the voice of a leading Republican orator : — 

" ' I declare it upon my responsibitity as a Senator of the United 
States,' said John P. Hale, 'that the liberties of this country are in 
greater danger to-day from the corruptions and from the profligacy 
practiced in the various departments of the Govermnent than they 
are from the open enemy in the field.' 

"The New York Times demands a change in the administration, 
and in the conduct of afiairs. 

" I have thus carefully set forth the declarations and named the 
witnesses to this awful indictment against our rulers, for we mean 
to proceed with all the care and candor, and all the solemnity of a 
judicial tribunal, 



HIS SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION. 83 

"It is with a sorrowful lieart I point to these dark pictures, not 
drawn by journals of the democratic party. God knows that as a mem- 
ber of that patriotic orgi^nization, as an American citizen, I would 
gladly efface them if I could. But, alas, they are grounded upon 
truths that can not be gainsaid. Once more, then, our republican 
fellow-citizens, in this day of our common humiliation and disgrace, 
we implore you as respectfully as in the hour of your political tri- 
umph listen to our suggestions. "We do not come with reproaches, 
but with entreaties. Follow the pathways marked out by the Con- 
stitution and we shall be extricated from our perilous position. On 
the other hand, if you will still be governed by those who brought us 
into our present condition, you will learn too late that there are yet 
deeper depths of degradation before us, and greater miseries to be 
borne than those which now oppress us. Nay more, the President 
of the United States appeals to us aU in his commimication with the 
loyal men of the border States, when he says he is pressed to 
violate his duty, his oath of office, and the Constitution of the land — 
pressed by cowardly and heartless men, living far away from the 
scenes of war, fattening upon the wealth coined from the blood and 
misery of the land, and living in those localities where official inves- 
tigation show that this people and Government have been robbed by 
fraudulent contracts. Such men demand that those who have suffered 
most in this contest, who have shown the highest and purest patriot- 
ism under the terrible trials of divided families, of desolated homes, 
ot ruined fortunes and of blood-stained fields, should have a new and 
further evil inflicted upon them by the hands of a Government they 
are struggling to uphold. By the help of God and the people we will 
relieve the President from that pressure." 

WHY THE REPUBLICAN PARTY CAN NOT SAVE THE COUNTRY. 

•' On the other hand, the very character of the republican organiza- 
tion, makes it incapable of conducting the affairs of the Government. 
For a series of years, it has practiced a system of coalitions, with 
men differing in principle, until it can have no distinctive policy. In 
such chaotic masses, the violent have most control. They have 
been educating their followers for years, through the press, not 
to obey laws which did not accord with their views. How can 
they demand submission from whole communities, while they con- 
tend that individuals may oppose laws opposed to their consciences ? 
They are higher law men. They insist that the contest, in which 
we are engaged, is an irrepressible one, and that therefore the South 



84 n-m. HOSATIO SEYMOUK. 

could not avoid it, unless they were williug at the outset to sur- 
render all tliat abolitionists demanded. To declare that this contest 
is irrepressible, declares that our fathers formed a government 
which could not stand. Are such men the proper guardians of this 
Government? Have not their speeches and acts given strength to 
the rebellion, and have they not also enabled its leaders to prove to 
their deluded followers, that the contest was an irrepressible one ? 

''But their leaders have not only asserted tliat this contest was ir- 
repressible, unless the South will give up what extreme republicans 
demand (their local institution), but those in power have done much 
to justify this rebeUion in tiie eyes of the world. The guilt of rebeUion 
is determined by the character of the G-overument against whic'i it 
is arrayed. The right of revolution, in the language of President 
Lincoln, is a sacred right when exerted against a bad Govern- 
ment. 

""We charge that this rebellion is most wicked, because it is against 
the best Government that ever existed. It is the excellence of our 
Government that makes resistance a crime. RebeUion is not neces- 
sarily wrong. It might be.an act of tbe highest virtue — it may be 
one of the deepest depravity. The rebellion of our fathers is our 
proudest boast — the rebellion of our brothers is the humiliation of 
our nation, is our national disgrace. To resist a bad Government is 
patriotism — to resist a good one is the greatest guilt. The first is 
patriotism, the last is treason. Legal tribunals can only legard 
resistance of laws as a crime but in the foruai of public sentiment 
the character of the Government v/iil decide if the act is treason or 
patriotism 

■ " Our Government and its administration are different things ; but 
in the eyes of tlie civilized world, abuses, weakness or folly in the 
conduct of aflfairs go far to justify resistance. I have read to you 
the testimony of Messrs. Greeley, Weed, Bryant, Raymond and 
Marble, charging fraud, corruption, outrage and incompetency upon 
those in power. Those who stand up to testify to the incompetency 
of these representatives of a discordant party to conduct the affairs 
of our Government are politically opposed to us. Bear in mind that 
the embarrassment of President Lincoln grows out of the conflicting 
views of his political friends, and their habits and principles of insub- 
ordination. His hands would be strengthened by a democratic 
victory, and if his private prayers are answered we will relieve him 
from tlie pressure of philanthropists who thirst for blood, and who 
call for the extermination of the men, vv'omen and children of the 
South. ■ The brutal and bloody language of partisan editors and 



HIS SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION. 85 

political preachers have lost us the sympathy of the civilized world in 
a coutest where all mankind should be upon one side. 

" Turning to the legislative departments of our Government, what 
ilo we see ? In the history of the decline and fall of nations, there 
are no more striking displays of madness and folly. The assemblage 
of Congress throws gloom over the nation ; its continuance in ses- 
sion is more disastrous than defeat upon the battle-field. It excites 
alike alarm and disgust. 

" The public are disappointed in the results of the war This is 
owing to the differing objects of the people on the one hand, and of 
the fanatical agitators in and out of Congress on the other. In the 
army, the Union men of the North and South battle side by side, 
imder one flag, to put down rebellion and uphold the Union and 
Constitution. In Congress a fanatical majority make war on the 
Union men of the South and strengthen the hands of secessionists 
by words and acts which enable tlicm to keep alive the flames of 
civil war. What is done in the battle-lield by the blood and treasure 
of the people, is undone by senators. Half of the time is spent in 
factious measures designed to destroy all confidence in the Govern- 
ment of the 'South, and the rest in annoying our army, in meddhng 
with its operations, embarrassing om* generals, and in pubUshing un- 
digested and unfounded scandal. One party is seeking to bring 
about peace, the other to keep alive hatred and bitterness by interfer- 
ences. They prove the wisdom of Solomon, when he said : ' It is 
an honor to a man to cease from strife, but every fool will be med- 
dling.' 

" This war can not be brought to a successful conclusion or our 
country restored to an honorable peace under the Republican leaders 
for another reason. Our disasters are mainly due to the fact that 
they have not dared to tell the truth to the community. A system 
of misrepreseniation had been practised so long and so successfully 
that when the war burst upon us, they feared to let the people know 
its fuH proportions, and they persisted in assuring their friends it 
was but a passmg excitement. They still asserted that the South 
was unable to maintani and carry on a war. They denounced as a 
traitor every man who tried to tell the truth, and to warn oiu* people 
of the magnitude of the contest. 

"Xow, my Republican friends, you know that the misapprehensions 
of the North with regard to the South has drenched the land with 
blood. Was this ignorance accidental? I appeal to you, Republi- 
cans, if for years past, through the press and in publicalions which 
have ))eeu urged upon your attention by the leaders of your partv, 



SQ HOiT. HOSATIO SEYMOUB. 

you have not beea taught to despise the power and resources of the 
South ? I appeal to you to say if this teaching has not been a part 
of the machinery by wliich power has been gained? I appeal to you 
to answer if those who tried to teach truths, now admitted, have 
not been denounced ? I appeal to you if a book, beyond all others, 
false, bloody, and treasonable, was not sent out with the indorsement 
of all your managers ; and is it not true that now, when men blush 
to own that they believed its statements, that its author is honored 
with an official station ? It is now freely confessed by you all, that 
you have been deceivea with respect to the South. "Who deceived 
you ? "Who, by false teachings, instilled contempt and hate into the 
minds of our people? Who stained our land with blood? Who 
caused ruin and distress? All these things are within your own 
knowledge. Are their authors the leaders to rescue us from our 
calamities? They shrink back appalled from the mischief they have 
wrought, and tell you it is an irrepressible contest. That reason is 
as good for Jefferson Davis as for them. They attempt to drown 
reflections by new excitements and new appeals to our passions. 
Having already, in legislation, gone* far beyond the limits at which, 
by their resolutions, they were pledged to stop, they now ask to 
adopt measures which they have heretofore denounced as unjust and 
unconstitutional. For this reason they can not save our country. 

"The Republican party can not save the country, because through 
its powerful press it teaches contempt of the laws,' Constitution, and 
constituted authorities. They are not only destroying the Union, 
but they are shaking and weakening the whole structures of State 
as well as of the National Grovemment, by denunciations . of every 
law and of all authority that stands in the'^way of their passions or 
their purposes. They have not only carried discord into our churches 
and legislative halls, but into our armies. Every general who agrees 
with them upon the subject of slavery is upneld in every act of in- 
subordination, and sustained against the clearest proofs of incompe- 
tence, if not of corruption. On the other nand every commander who 
differs from their views upon the single pomt of slavery, is denounced, 
not only for incompetency, but constantly depreciated in every act. 
No man is allowed to be a Christian; no man is regarded as a 
statesman ; no man is suffered, unmolested, to do his duty as a soldier 
unless he supports measures which no one dared to urge eighteen 
months since. /They insist that martial law is superior to constitu- 
tional law; that the wills of generals in the field are above all 
restraints ; but they demand for themselves the right to direct and 
control these generals. They claim an influence higher than they 



niS SPEECH IN TUE CONViiJIfTION. 87 

•will allow to the laws of the land. Are these displays of insubor- 
dination and violence safe at this time ? 

"The weight of annual taxation will test severely the loyalty of 
the people of the North. Eepudiation of our financial obligations 
would cause disorder and endless moral evils. Pecuniary rights will 
never be held more sacred than personal rights. Repudiation of the 
Constitution involves repudiation of national debts; of its guaranties 
of rights of property, of person, and of conscience. 

" The moment we show the world that we do not hold the Consti- 
tution to be a sacred compact, we not only destroy all sense of secu- 
rity, but we turn away from our shores the vast tide of foreign 
emigration. It comes here now, not because there are not other 
skies as bright and other lands as productive as ours : it seeks here 
security for freedom — for rights of conscience — for immunity from 
tyrannical interferences, and from meddling impertinence. The home 
and fireside rights heretofore enjoyed by the American people — en- 
joyed under protection of written Constitution, have made us great 
and prosperous. I entreat you again, touch them not with sacrile- 
gious hands 1 We are threatened with the breaking up of our social 
system, with the overthrow of State and ISTational Governments. If 
we begin a war upon the compromises of the Constitution we must 
go through with it. It contains many restraints upon our natural 
rights. It may be asked by what right do the six small New Eng- 
land States, with a population less than that of New York, have six 
times its power in the Senate, which has become the controlling 
branch of Government ? By what natural right do these States, with 
their small united populations and limited territories, balance the 
power of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana and 
Michigan ? The vast debt growing out of this war will give rise to 
new and angry discussions. It will be held ahiaost exclusively in a 
few Atlantic States. Look upon the map of the Union and see how 
small is the territory in wliich it will be owned. "We are to be divided 
into creditor and debtor States, and the last will have a vast prepon- 
derance of power and strength. Unfortunately there is no taxation 
upon this national debt, ana its share is thrown off upon other prop- 
erty. It is held where many of the Government contracts have 
been executed, and where in some instances, gross frauds have been 
practiced. It is held largely where the Constitution gives a dispro- 
portional share of political power. With all these elements of dis- 
cord, IS it wise to assail constitutional law, or bring authority into 
contempt. Is it safe to encourage the formation of irresponsible 
committees, made up of impertinent men, who thrust themselves 



88 HON. nor.ATio SEYiiorE. • 

into the conduct of public affairs and try to dictate to legal rulers ? 
or will you tolerate the enrollment of armies which are not consti- 
tuted or organized by proper authorities? Are such tilings just to- 
ward those who have placed their fortunes in the hands of the 
Government at this crisis ? 

" We implore you do not be deceived again with this syren song of 
no danger. There is danger, great and imminent, of the destruction 
of all government, of safety for life and property, unless the duty of 
obedience to law and respect for authorities and the honest support 
of those in the public service both military and civil, are taught and 
enforced, by all means within our control. 

- " With us there is no excuse for revolutionary action. Our system 
of government giv^es peaceful remedies for all evils in legislation." 

WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY PROPOSE TO DO. 

* Mr. President : It will be asked what do we propose to do ? We 
mean, with all our powers of mind and person to support the Consti- 
tution and uphold the Union; to maintain the laws, to preserve the 
public faith. We insist upon obedience to laws and respect for Con- 
stitutional authority ; we will defend the rights of citizens ; we mean 
that rulers and subjects shall respect tlie laws ; we will put down 
all revokitionary committees ; we will resist all unauthorized organi- 
zations of armed men ; we will spurn officious meddlers who are im- 
pudently pushing themselves into the councils of our Government. 
Politically opposed to those in authority, we demand they shall be 
treated with the respect due to their positions as the representatives 
of the dignity and honor of the American people. We do not try 
to save our country by abandoning its Government. In these times 
of trial and danger we cling more closely to the great principles of 
civil and religious liberty and of personal right ; we will man the de- 
fenses and barriers which the Constitution throws around them ; 
we will revive the courage and strengthen the arms of loyal men by 
showing them they have a living Government about which to rally ; 
we will proclaim amidst the confusion and uproar of civil war, with 
louder tones and firmer voices the great maxims and principles of 
civil liberty, order and obedience. What has perpetuated the great- 
ness of that nation from vdiich we derive so many of our maxims ? 
Not its victories vipon land nor its triumphs upon the seas, but its 
firm adherence to its traditional policy. 

"The words of Coke, of Camden and lansfield, have for long pe- 
riods of time given strength and vitality and honor to its social jgys- 



HIS SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION. &9 

tern, while battles have lost their significance. "When England was 
ac;itated by the throes of violence — when the person of the king was 
insulted; when Parliament was besieged by mobs maddened by 
bigotry ; when the life of Lord Mansfield was sought by infuriated 
fanatics, and his house was burned by incendiary fires, then he 
uttered those words which checked at once unlawful power and law- 
less violence. He declared that every citizen was entitled to his rights 
according to the known procedures of the land. He showed to the 
world the calm and awful majesty of the law, imshaken amidst con- 
vulsions. Self-reliant in its strength and purity, it was driven to no 
acts which destroy the spirit of law. Violence was rebuked ; the 
heart of the nation was reassured ; a sense of security grew up, and 
the storm was stilled. Listen to his words : — 

■*' ' Miserable is the condition of individuals ; dangerous is the con- 
dition of the State where there is no certain law, or what is the 
same thing, no certain administration of law by which individuals 
may be protected and the State made secure.' 

" Thus, too, will we stand calmly up amidst present disasters. 
We have warned the public that every act of disobedience weakened 
tlicir claims to protection. We have admonished our rulers that 
every violation of right destroyed sentiments of loyalty and duty. 
That obedience and protection were reciprocal obligations. He who 
withholds his earnest and cheerful support to any legal demand of 
his Government, invites oppression and usurpation on the part of 
those in authority. Tlie public servant who oversteps his jurisdic- 
tion or tramples upon the rights, person, property or procedure of 
the governed, instigates resistance and revolt. 

" Under abuse and detraction we have faithfully acted upon these 
precepts. If our purposes were factious, the elements of disorder 
are everywhere within our reach. If we were as disobedient to 
this Government and as denunciatory of its oflQcials as those who 
placed them in power, we could make them tremble in their seats of 
power. We have been obedient, loyal, and patient. We shall con- 
tinue to be so under aU circumstances. But lot no man mistake this 
devotion to our country and its Constitution for unworthy fear. We 
have no greater stake in good order than other men. Our arms are 
as strong, our endurance as great, our fortitude as unwavering as 
that of our political opponents. But we seek the blessings of peace, 
of law, of order. We ask the public to mark our policy and our 
position. Opposed to the election of Mr. Lincoln, we have loyally 
sustained him. Differing from the administration as to the course 
and the conduct of the war, we have cheerfully responded to every 



90 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

demand made upon us. To-day we are putting fortli our utmost 
efforts to re-enforce our armies in the field. Without conditions or 
threats we are exerting our energies to strengthen the hands of Gov- 
ernment and to replace it in the commanding position it held in the 
eyes of the world before recent disasters. We are pouring out our 
blood, our treasures and our men, to rescue it from a position in 
which it can neither propose Veace nor conduct successful war. And 
this support is freely and generously accorded. We wish to see our 
Union saved, our laws vindicated, and peace once more restored to 
our land. We do not claim more virtue or intelligence than we 
award to our opponents, but we now have the sad and bloody proof 
that we act upon sounder principles of government. Animated by 
the motto we have placed upon our banner — "The Union, the Gon- 
fititution and the Laws " — we go into the political contest confident 
of the support of a people who can not be deaf or blind to the teach- 
inga of the last two years." 



CHAPTEK XI. 

MESSAGE OF 1863 AND INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

Upon his nomination Gov. Seymour resolved upon 
a course unusual in the political history of New 
York, which was to traverse the State, and ad- 
dress meetings. This involved a vast amount of 
labor, and he was obliged to speak mainly to out- 
door meetings nine times each week, in addition to 
the toil of travel, and of his intercourse with the 
throngs which came to hear him. The Republicans 
were confident of victory. They were supported by 
the full force of tlie power and patronage of the 
State and National Governments. They were arro- 
gant and threatening ; but they were met by a firm 
defiance and a fixed purpose on the part of the Dem- 
ocratic party to exercise their rights of speaking 
and of voting. The result of this canvass, which is 
unparalleled in the political history of New York, 
was a signal triumph, which saved its citizens from 
outrages and insults, which in all human probabilities 
would have led to dano^erous disturbances. 

The inauguration of Governor Seymour on the 
first of January, 1863, excited the liveliest interest 
throughout the country. It took place in the As- 
sembly Chamber, in the presence of a large and en- 
thusiastic audience ; Gov. Seymour was introduced 
by the retiring Governor Morgan, and said: — 



92 EON. HORATIO SEYMOL'R. 

" Fellovv-citizens : In your presence I have solemnly sworn to sup- 
port the Constitution of the United States, v>rith all its grants, restric- 
tions and guarantees, and shall support it. (Cheers.) I have also 
sworn to support another Constitution, the Constitution of the State 
of New York, with all its powers and rights. I shall uphold it 
(Great applause.) I have sworn faithfully to perform the duties of 
the oS&ce of Governor of this State, and witli your aid they shall be 
faithfully performed. These constitutions and laws are meant for 
the guidance of official conduct, and for your protection and welfare. 
* * * * This occasion, fellow-eilizens, when official power is so 
courteously transferred from the hands of one political organization 
to those of another, holding opposite sentiments upoij public affairs, 
is not only a striking exemplification of the spirit of our institutions, 
but highly honorable to the minority party. Had our misguided 
fellow-citizens of the South acted as the minority of the citizens of 
our own State, (a minority but little ioferior -in numbers to the 
majority) are now acting in this surrender of power, the nation would 
not now be involved in civil war. — (Applause.)" 

lie closed as follows : — 

" Under no circumstance can the division of the Union be eon- 
ceded. "We will put forth every exertion of power ;, we will use 
every policy of coaciliation ; we will hold out every inducement to 
the people of the South, to return to their allegiance, consistent with 
honor ; we will guaranty them every right, every consideration 
demanded by the Constitution, and by that fraternal regard which 
must prevail in a common country ; but we can never voluntarily 
consent to the breaking up of the Union of these States, or the' 
destruction of the Constitution." 

On the Ttli he transmitted his messao^e to the Senate. 
This document contained an able review of the 
public affairs. 

We are only able to quote from it very briefly. 
In view of the denunciations of the administration, 
in which the radical press were then indulging, the 
following passage is interesting : — 

" In order to uphold our Government, it is also necessary that we 
Riiould show respect to the authority of our rulers. While acting 



KEVIEW. 0:F rUELIO AFi'AlKS. 93 

within the limits of their jurisdictions, and representing the Interests, 
the honor, and the dignity of our people, they are entitled to defer- 
ence. Where it is their rigiit to decide upon measures and policy, 
it is our duty to obey and to give a ready support to their decisions. 
This is a vital maxim of liberty. Without this loyalty, no Govern- 
ment can conduct public affairs with success, no people can be safe 
in the enjoyment of their rights. This dut}^ is peculiarly strong 
under our system, which gives the people the right at their elections 
to sit in judgment upon their rulers, to commend or condemn them 
to keep them in, or expel them from ofiicial stations." 

In reference to arbitrary arrests, lie said : — 

"Our people have viewed with alarm, practices and pretensions 
on the part of ofBcials, which violate every principle of good order, 
of civil liberty, and of constitutional law. It is claimed that in time 
of war the President has powers, as Commander-in-Chief of our 
armies, which authorize him to declare martial law, not only within 
the sphere of hostile movements, where other law can not be en- 
forced, but also over our whole land. That at his pleasure he can 
disregard not only the statutes of Congress, but the decisions of the 
National judiciary. That in loyal States the least intelligent class of 
officials may be clothed with power not only to act as spies and 
informers, but, also, without due process of law, to seize and im- 
prison our citizens, and carry them beyond the limits of the State, to 
hold them in prisons without a hearing or a knowledge of the offenses 
with which they are charged. Not only the passions and prejudices 
of those inferior agents lead them to acts of tyranny, but their inter- 
ests are advanced and their positions secured by promoting discon- 
tent and discord. Even to^ask the aid of counsel has been held to 
be an offense. It has been well said that ' to be arrested for one 
knows not what ; to be confined, no one entitled to ask where ; to 
be tried, no one can say when, by a law nowhere known or es- 
tablished ; or to linger out life in a cell without trial, presents a body 
of tyranny which can not be enlarged.' 

'• The suj)pression of journals and the imprisonment of persons have 
been glaringly partisan, allowing to some the utmost licentiousness 
of criticism, and punishing others for a fair exercise of the right of 
discussion. Conscious of these gross abuses, an attempt has been 
made to shield the violators of law and suppress inquiry into their 
motives and conduct. This attempt will fail. Unconstitutional acts 
can not be shielded by uucoustiiutional laws. Such attempts will 



94 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

not save the guilty, while thev "will bring a just condemnation \ipon 
those who try to pervert the powers of legislation to the purposes of 
oppression. To justify such action by precedents drawn from the 
practice of governments where there is no restraint upon legislative 
power, will bo of no avail under our system, which restrains the 
Government and protects the citizen by written constitutions. 

"I shall not inquire what rights States in rebellion have forfeited, 
but I deny that this rebellion can suspend a single right of the citi- 
zens of loyal States. I denounce the doctrine that civil war in the 
South takes away from the loyal North the benefits of one principlo 
of civil liberty. 

" It is a high crime to abduct a citizen of this State. It is made my 
duty by the Constitution to see that the laws are enforced. I shall 
investigate every alleged violation of our statutes, and see that 
offenders are brought to justice. Sheriffs and district attorneys aro 
admonished that it is their duty to take care that no person within 
their respective counties is imprisoned, or carried by force beyond 
their limits, without due process of legal authority. The removal to 
England of persons charged with offense, away from their friends, 
their witnesses and means of defense, was one of the acts of tyranny 
for which we asserted our independence. The abduction of citizens 
from this State, for offenses charged to have been done here, and 
carrying them many hundred miles to distant prisons in other States 
or Territories, is an outrage of the same character upon every prin- 
ciple of right and justice. 

" The General Government has ample powers to establish courts, 
to appoint officers to arrest, and commissioners to hear complaints, 
and to imprison upon reasonable grounds of suspicion. It has a 
judicial system, in full and undisturbed operation. Its own courts, 
held at convenient points in this and other loyal States, are open for 
the hearing of all complaints. If its laws are not ample for the 
punishment of offenses, it is due to the neglect of those in power. 

" Government is not strengthened by the exercise of doubtful 
powers, but by a wise and energetic exertion of those which are 
incontestable. The former course never fails to produce discord, 
suspicion and distrust, while the latter inspires respect and confi- 
dence. 

" This loyal State, whose laws, whose courta, and whose ofiScers 
have thus been treated with marked and public contempt, and whoso 
social order and sacred rights have been violated, was at the very 
time sending forth great armies to protect the National Capital, and 
to save the national officials from flight or capture. It was while 



INVASION OF rEXJSrSTLYANIA. 95 

the arms of New York thus sheltered them against rebellion, that, 
without consultation with its chief magistrate, a subordinate depart- 
ment at Washington insulted our people and invaded our rights. 
Against these wrongs and outrages the people of the State of New 
York, at its late election, solemnly protested. 

"The submission of our people to these abuses, for a time only 
was mistaken at home and abroad for an indifference to their liber- 
ties. But it was only in a spirit of respect for our institutions, that 
they waited until they could express their will in the manner 
pointed out by our laws. At the late election they vindicated at 
once their regard for law and their love of liberty. Amidst all the 
confusion of civil war, they calmly sat in judgment upon the admin- 
istration, voting against its candidates. Nor was this the only 
striking proof of respect for the Constitution. The minority, of 
nearly equal numbers, yielded to this decision without resistance, 
although the canvass was animated by strong partisan excitements. 
This calm assertion of rights, and this honorable submission to the 
Terdict of the ballot-box, vindicated at once the character of our 
people and the stability of our institutions. Had the secessionists 
of the South thus yielded to constitutional decisions, they would 
have saved themselves and our country from the horrors of this 
war, and they would have found the same remedy for every wrong 
and danger." 

While Governor Seymour had declared his purpose 
to maintain the riglits of the people of the State of 
!N^ew York, he also declared in equally plain terms 
his purpose to respect the rights of the administra- 
tion, and to yield a prompt obedience to any demand 
they had a right to make upon him. His sincerity 
upon the latter point was soon tested. The Confederate 
army, under Gen. Lee, invaded Pennsylvania, and 
threatened not only the national capital but the city 
of Philadelphia. There was the utmost alarm and con- 
fusion at Washington. They had been taught to dis- 
trust Gov. Seymour ; they had denounced him as an 
enemy to the cause of the Union. They were now 
forced to call upon him for help. The Republican 



96 HO^^ HOKATIO SErMOUE. 

Governor of Pennsylvania appealed toliim to save the 
cities of liis State from the invading army. How 
promptly these appeals from the National and State 
authorities were met, is best shown by the following 
official documents, and telesirams : — 

STANTON CALLS ON GOVERNOR SEYMOTja FOR HELP. 

By Telegraph from "WAsnisrGTON, Jane 15, 1863. 
To Els Excellency, Governor Seymour : — 

The movements of the rebel forces in Yirginiaare nowsafficientlj 
developed to show that General Lee, with his whole army, is mov- 
ing forward to invade the States of Maryland, Pennsylvania, aud 
other States. 

The President, to repel this invasion promptly, lias called upon 
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Western Virginia, for one hundred 
thousand (100,000) militia for six (6) months, unless sooner dis- 
charged. It is important to have the largest possible force in the 
least time, and if other States would furnish militia for a short term, 
to be allowed on the draft, it would greatly advance the object. 
Will you please inform me immediately if, in answer to a special 
call of the President, you can raise and forward, say twenty thou- 
sand (20,000) militia, as volunteers without bounty, to be credited 
on the draft of your State, or what number you caa probably raise ? 

E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

the prompt response. 

Albany, June 15, 1863. 
Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington : — 

I will spare no efforts to send you troops at once. I have sent 
orders to the militia officers of the State. 

HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

Albany, June 15, 1863. 
Hon. E. ^r. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washingion : — 

I will order the New York and Brooklyn troops to Philadelphia at 
once. Where can they get arms, if they are needed ? 

HORATIO SEYMOUR. 



DOCUMENTS AND TELEGRAMS. 97 

PEESLDEJTT LINCOLN THANKS GOYERNOR SEYMOUR. 

By Telegraph prom Washington, June 16, 1863. 

To Governor Seymour: — 

The President desires me to return his thanks with those of the 
Department for your prompt response. A strong movement of your 
citY regiments to Philadelphia would be a very encouragmg move- 
ment, and do great good in giving strength to the State. The call 
had to be for six months unless sooner discharged in order to comply 
with the law. It is not likely that more than thirty days' service- 
perhaps not so long-would be required. Can you forward youi' 
city regunents speedily ? Please reply early. 

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

Albany, June 15, 1863. 
Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington :— 

We have about two thousand enlisted volunteers in this State 
I will have them consolidated into companies and regiments, ana 
sent on at once. Tou must provide them with arms. 

HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

Albany, June 19, 1863. 

Hon E M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washmgton:- 

Four returned volunteer regiments can be put in the field at once 
for three months' service. Can arms and accouterments be supplied 
in New York ? Old arms not fit for the field. 

J. T. SPRAGUE, Adjutant-GeneraL 

By Telegraph from Washington, June 16, 1863. 

To Adjutant-General Sprague:— 

Upon your requisition, any troops you may send to Pennsylvania 
will be armed and equipped in New York, with new arms. 

Orders have been given to the Bureau of Ordnance. 

EDWIN M. STANTON. 

gov. SEYMOUR PUSHING ON TROOPS. 

Albany, June 16, 1863. 
Hon E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War,Washing1x>n, D. a.-- 

Officers of old organizations here will take the field with their 
xnen^d can march to-morrow, if they can be paid irrespective of 
5 



98 HON. HORATIO SETMOUK. 

ordnance accounts. The Government would still have a hold upon 
tliem to refund for losses. 

JOHN T. SPRAGUE, Adjutant-General. 

Albany, June 15, 1863. 

Hon. E. M. Stanton', Secretary of War, Washington : — 

By request of Governor Seymour, who has called me here, I write 
to say that the New York city regiments can go with full ranks for 
any time not over three months — say from eight to ten thousand 
men. The shorter the period the larger will be the force. For what 
time will they be required ? Please answer immediately. 

C. W. SANFORD, Major-General. 

By Telegraph from "Wasiiington, June 16, 1863. 
To Major-General Sanford: — 

The Government will be glad to have your city regiments hasten 
to Pennsylvania for any term of service ; it is not possible to say 
how long they might be useful, but it is not expected that they 
would be detained more than three (3) months, possibly not longer 
than twenty (20) or thirty (30) days. 

They would be accepted for (3) months, and discharged as soon as 
the present exigency is over. If aided at the present by your 
troops, the people of that State might soon be able to raise a sufiQ.- 
cient force to relieve your city regiments. 

EDWIN M. STANTOM, Secretary of War. 

Albany, June 18, 1863. 
To Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. : — 

About twelve thousand (12,000) men are now on the move for 
Harrisburg, in good spirits and well equipped. 

The Governor says: "Shall troops continue to be forwarded?" 
Please answer. « 

Nothing from Washington since first telegrams. 

JOHN T. SPRAGUE, Adjutant-General 

A.».BANY, June 18, 1863. 
To Governor CtjbtIn, Harrisburg, Pa. : — 

About twelve thousand men are now moving nd are under orders 
for Harrisburg, in good spirits and well equipped. 



DOCITMENTS AND TELEGRAMS. 99 

Governor Seymour desires to know if he shall continue to send 
men. He is ignorant of your real condition. 

JOHN T. SPRAGUE, Adjutant-General 

MB. LIXCOLN AGAIN THANKS SEYMOUR FOR HIS "ENERGETIC AND 

PROMPT ACTION." 

By Telegraph from Washington, June 19, 1863. 
To Adjutant-General Sprague: — 

The President directs me to return his thanks to his Excellency, 
Governor Seymour and his staff, for their energetic and prompt 
action. Whether any further force is likely to be required will be 
communicated to you to-morrow, by which time it is expected the 
movements of. the enemy will be more fully developed. 

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

do you want more men? 

Albany, June 20, 1863. 
Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington : — 

The Governor desires to be informed if he shall continue sending 
on the militia regiments from this State. If so, to what extent and 
to what point ? 

J. B. STONEHOUSE, A. A. Adj.-Gen. 

By Telegraph prom Washington, June 21, 1863. 
To Acting Ass't Adjutant-General Stonehouse : — 

The President desires Governor Seymour to forward to Baltimore 
all the militia regiments that he can raise. 

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

A republican governor CRYING FOR HELP AND GETTING IT. 

By Telegraph from Harrisburq, July 2, 1863. 
To His Excellency Governor Seymour: — 

Send forward more troops as rapidly as possible. Every hour in- 
creases the necessity for large forces to protect Pennsylvania. The 
' battles of yesterday were not decisive, and if Meade should be de- 
feated, unless we have a large army, this State will be overrun by 
the rebels. 

A. G. CURTIN, Governor of Pennsylvania. 



100 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

Ne^ York, July 2, 1863. 
To GOTERNOB CuRTm, Harrishurg, Pa. : — 

Your telegram is received. Troops will continue to he sent. 
One regiment leaves to-day, another to-morrow, all in good pluck. 

JOHN T. SPRAGUE, Adjutant-General 



CHAPTEE XII. 

THE COITSPIEACT AGAINST NEW YORK. 

When the future historian shall tell the story of 
our late civil war, among other facts which will ar- 
rest his attention will be the circumstance that the 
city of Kew York was for a long time left in a de- 
fenseless condition. The destruction of this city 
would have been a fatal blow to the Union cause. 
It was not only filled with a vast amount of stores 
and materials of war which were essential to our 
armies, but it was the great financial center which 
supplied the money, without which the Government 
w^ould have been paralyzed. Upon his entrance into 
office, Governor Seymour learned that the fortifica- 
tions of the harbor of 'New York, inadequately 
manned, were a peril, and not a protection, to that 
great commercial poi^^t. A few men entering the 
harbor from the sea could have seized them, have 
turned their guns against the city ; and, before they 
could be dislodged, could have wrought vast injury, 
or have extorted large sums of money to induce them 
to stop their work of destruction. It is well known 
that hostile cruisers destroyed our shipping at no 
great distance from the coast. Fortunately they did 
' not know the condition of afi*airs in the harbor itself. 
Every efi'ort was made by Mr. Seymour to have these 
fortifications properly manned. He ofi'ered to raise 



102 H '. HOUATIJ SEYMOUE. 

soldiers for the purpose, who should be placed under 
the command of the General Government, or to make 
arrano-ements with the different reo^iments of the 
l^ational Guards to hold in turn these important 
strongholds. The administration at Washington 
gave no heed to his warnings and showed no respect 
to his wishes. In the month of July, 1863, he visit- 
ed the city and harbor of ^ew York with Senator 
Morgan and Comptroller Eobinson, to learn the con- 
dition of its defenses. They were under the control 
of General Wool, who then commanded the Depart- 
ment of the East. This able and distinguished 
soldier showed the deepest anxiety to have a suffi- 
cient force placed under his command to repel any 
attacks which should be made. He advised the 
Governor that he had only 500 men available for the 
defense of the city, and that but one-half of them 
could be relied upon as artillerists. He also stated 
that every vessel of war in the harbor of Kew York 
or at the depot had been ordered to Hampton Koads, 
whence, in case of need, no one could be made avail- 
able in less then ten. days. On the 10th of July, 
the following letter was received by the Governor 
from General Wool : — 

Head-quarters, Departxiext of the East, > 
New York City, July 9, 1863. j" 

His Excellency, H. Seymour, 

Governor of Neiv York : — 

SiR^^For -vrant of troops, this city is in a defenseless condition. 
I require, including a regiment of heavy artillery, expected from 
G-eneral Couch, at Harrisburg, reported by Brigadier General Miller, 
Inspector-General of New York, to be about four hundred strong, 
eight companies of artillery, of volunteers or militia, to be placed in 



LETTER FROM GENERAL WOOL. 103 

the nine forts of this harbor. These ought to be furnished with as 
little delay as pmcticable. 

If you have a capable major of artillery, I should be gratified if 
you would send him with the companies. 

Yesterday, I received an order from the War Department, direct- 
ing me " to organize immediately, by detachment or otherwise, four 
companies of infantry for service at the draft rendezvous established 
in the State of New York, two of the companies to be sent to report 
to the commanding officer at Hiker's Island, one company to tho 
commanding officer at Bufialo, and one company to the commanding 
officer at Elmira, N". Y." 

As I have no infantry companies in the State of New York for this 
service, I would respectfully ask your Excellency to order the four 
companies to be furnished as soon as practicable. 
I have the honor to be, 
Yery respectfully, 
Your ob't servant, 

JOHN K WOOL, 

Major-General. 

To which, the following reply was immediately 

made : — . 

State of New Youe: t 

Inspector-General's Office, V 

New York, July 10, 1863. J 

Major-General John E. Wool, Com'dg Bep't of the East, K Y. ;— 

GENERAL—Your communication addressed to his Excellency, Gov- 
ernor Seymour, under date of July 9th, inst., received yesterday, 
statino- that for the want of troops this city was in a defenseless 
condition; and further stating that you require, in addition to a 
regiment of heavy artillery, expected from General Couch, reported 
to be about four hundred strong, (but since reported to me as aoout 
five hundred strong), eight companies of artillery, of volunteers or 
militia, to be placed in the nine forts of this harbor, and that these 
ought to be furnished with as little delay as practicable. 

His Excellency, the Governor, directs me to say in reply that 
referring to the conversations had by you with him and myself, and 
to the communications on this subject I had the honor to address to 
you on tho Sth inst., you will observe that State troops in excess of 
the number now required by you, are in readiness for the service 



104: HON. HOKATIO SEYMOUR. 

specified, only waiting orders from the Governor, conveying the 
assurance that they will be received on reporting at your head- 
quarters as State militia, temporarily placed under your orders by 
the commander-in-chief for service in the forts of this harbor, and 
that they wiU be subsisted by the Government on reporting for 
duty. 

As soon as the Governor is notified that you concur in these 
views, the troops will be ordered to report to you ; they will be fur- 
nished with clothing for sixty days from the Quartermaster-General's 
department, and the subject of pay, &c., will hereafter, be submitted 
for the consideration of the General Government. 

Awaiting a reply upon these points, at your very earliest conveni- 
ence, 

I remain, general, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

JOSIAH T. MILLER, 

Inspector-General. 

As the ISTatioual Guard of the city of New York 
were in Pennsylvania, orders were at once issued to 
regiments in the interior to report to Gen. Wool, 
Several regiments were on their way, and had 
reached Albany and Binghamton, when the Gov 
ernor received the following dispatch from Gen 
"Wool, and was at the same moment advised by tele 
graph of a riot in the city, growing out of the en 
forcement of the draft : 

New York, July 13, 1863. 
To Hon. H. Seymour: — 

Sir — Orders just received from the War Department superseded 
the necessity of the two companies I required of those now recruit- 
ing at New Dorp, and, until further advices, pvease countermand any 
militia that is ordered to this place. 

' J. E. WOOL, Major-Geueral. 

Thus, through the refusal of the Administration 
to allow troops to be placed in the city, under the 
command of Gen. Wool, it was laid open to the 



COMMENCEMENT OF THE DBAFT. 105 

double peril of invasion from the sea and from riot 
within its own limits. The enrolling officers of the 
General Government have never given any explana- 
tion for their conduct in making the draft while the 
National Guards were all absent from the city, and 
without giving either to Gen. Wool, to the Governor 
of the State, or the Mayor of the city any notice of 
what they were about to do. The draft was com- 
menced on Saturday, in a district where the quota 
was so excessive that the General Government was 
afterward forced to correct it ; the names of those 
drawn were published in the Sunday papers, on a 
day when the cessation of all labor was calculated 
to draw together in discussion large bodies of men, 
who were surprised and excited by learning for the 
first time what had been done, and what was going 
on. It appears from a letter of Gen. Wool that he 
heard of these disturbances on Monday morniug, 
and that he called the attention of the Provost 
Marshal of the city to the subject. That officer told 
the general he required no assistance, and through 
this untrue statement the disturbance gathered head- 
way. 

When Gov. Seymour reached the city, he found 
that he had not only to deal with an excited popu- 
lace, but that the Eepublican journals, and some of 
the political leaders of that party, were intent upon 
embarrassing his action, and were doing what they 
could to incite the mob to lawlessness and crime. 
Gqu. Wool and Mr. Opdyke, the Mayor of the city, 
were exerting themselves to uphold the supremacy 
of the laws. But the Eepublican papers, and more 

5* 



10 G nOK. HOF.ATiO SIOYMOUE. 

f 

particularly Mr. Greelej, the editor of the Tribune^ 
iiilluenced, in part, by constitutional timidity, and 
in part by political purposes, ^Yere determined to 
have New York placed under martial law. Gov. 
Seymour had foreseen this scheme, and in an address 
which he delivered on the 4th of July, had made an 
appeal to the Hepublican leaders, imploring them to 
refrain from all measures of unjust and illegal vio- 
lence against the rights of their political opponents. 
At the same time he invoked his own political 
friends at all times to render a prompt obedience to 
those in authority, and to submit to their laws, where 
they had the right to make them, whether such laws 
were agreeable or not. He had just received, from 
the Administration at Washington, and from the 
leading members of the Republican party, such expres- 
sions of their gratitude for his pnmipt response to the 
calls of the President and Secretary of War for help, 
that he hoped that this respectful appeal would be 
listened to. It w^as made to them on a day full of 
sacred memories ; it was made to them at a time of 
great solemnity, when the men that New York and 
other States had sent to support the flag of the 
country were engaged in the actual conflict, and 
were then dying and bleeding upon the battle-field 
of Gettvsburor. 

But these appeals were received by the Republican 
journals in the most malignant spirit. lie found 
then that in putting down the riots, he had not only 
to deal with open violators of the law, but with 
the intrigues of those who hoped violence would go 
on until the General Government could be induced 



HIS TWO PKOCLA^IATIONS. 



107 



to declare martial law, and to take away the polit- 
ical rights of the people of the State of New York. 
Gen. "Wool was urged to declare martial law ; because 
he refused to do so, he was removed and another 
General put in his place. Despite the difficulties 
with which he was surrounded, by firmness on the 
one hand, and prudent measures to allay excitement 
on the other, the riots were put down before the 
Administration could get a pretext for interference. 

It is due to the "War Department to state that 
when false statements were sent on to Washington 
with regard to the conduct of the Governor, that it 
refused^to act, until he had sent a high official to 
learn the facts, and this official reported that these 
accusations were groundless. 

The following are Governor Seymour's two proc- 
lamations during the riot : — 

To the People of the City of Kew TorJc : A riotous demonstration in 
your city, originating in opposition to the conscription of soldiers for ■ 
Ihe miliiary service of the United States, had sweM into vast pro- 
portions, directing its fury against the proper^ and hves of peacef^ 
citizens. I know that many of those who have participated m these 
proceedings would not have aUowed themselves to be carried to such 
extremes of violence and wrong, except under an apprehension of 
injustice: but such persons are reminded" that the ^^^^ «PP«-^;°^^^ 
the conscription which can be aUowed is an appeal to the courts. 
The right of every citizen to make such an appeal will be maintained, 
and Z decision of the court must be respected and obeyed by rulers 
and people alike. No other course is consistent with the mamte- 
nance of the laws, the peace and order of the 7' -\f ^^f ^,^^^^^' 
its inhabitants. Riotous proceedings must and shaU be put d^. n 
The laws of the State must be enforced, its peace and order main 
toed and the lives and property of all citizens protected at any and 
everv ha-r 1. The rights of every citizen will be Vro^fy^f^^'^^^^ 
and defended by the chief magistrate of the State. I ^o therefore 
Lu upon all persons engaged in these riotous proceedmgs to retire to 



108 HON. HORA.TIO SF.YMOFE. 

their homes and employments, declaring to them that unless they do 
so at once I shall use all the power necessary to restore the peace 
and order of the city. I also call upon all well-disposed persons, not 
enrolled for the preservation of order, to pursue their ordinary avo- 
cations. Let all citizens stand firmly by the constitutional author- 
ities, sustaining law and order in the city, and ready to answer any 
such demand as circumstances may render necessary for me to make 
upon their services ; and they may rely upon a rigid enforcement of 
the laws of this State against all who violate them. 

HORATIO SEYMOUR, Governor. 

Whereas, It is manifest that combinations for forcible resistance to 
the laws of the State of New York, and the execution of civil and 
criminal process, exists in the city and county of New York, 
whereby the peace and safety of the city and the lives and property 
of its inhabitants are endangered; and whereas, the power of the 
said city and county has been exerted, and it is not sufficient to 
enable the officers of the said city and county to maintain the laws 
of the State and execute the legal process of its officers ; and whereas 
application has been made to mo by the Shoriflf of the city and county 
of New York to declare the said city and county to be in a state of 
insurrection : now, therefore, I, Horatio Seymour, Governor of the 
State of New York, and Commander-in-Chief of the force of the 
same, do, in its name and by its authority, issue a proclamation in 
accordance with the statute in such cases made and provided, and 
do hereby declare the city and county of New York to be in a state 
of insurrection, and give notice to all persons that the means pro- 
vided by the laws of this State for the maintenance of law and order 
will be employed to whatever degree may be necessary, and that all 
persons who shall, after the publication of this proclamation, resist, 
or aid or assist in resisting, any force ordered out by the Governor to 
quell or suppress such insurrection, will render themselves liable to 
the penahty prescribed by law. HORA.TIO SEYMOUR." 

The Republican press indulged in the most inflam- 
matory appeals to exasperate the mob and to keep up 
the disorder. The Trihiine denounced the Irish, de- 
manded that they should be shot down, spoke of the 
" indecision" and imbecility of the mayor of the city 
and of the incapacity of General Wool, because they 



HE SUPPRESSES THE RIOT. 109 

would not order wliolescale murder, would not demand 
martial law, and were willing to accept tlic co-opera- 
tion of Governor Seymour. It said during the riot : 

"The incapacity of the miUtary head of this department, and the 
fatal indecision of the chief magistrate of the cily are permittmg 
power to lapse into the hands of the Governor." 

The cause of their rage was, not the disorder in 
the city, but the fact that the Governor was taking 
the power in his owa hands, and suppressing the riot 
before they could frighten the administration into de- 
claring martial law. Again the Trlhurie said :— 

'« Nor did the Governor and his advisers adopt any other policy 
than tliat of controlling -not suhduing-the riot till they saw that 
such a task was hopeless. He attempted to restrain General Brown 
from the use of ball-cartridge, while his partisans urged military com- 
mander to retire and leave the mob to their sweet persuasions, and 
lest martial law should be declared, he was induced to declare the 
city in a state of insurrection-a proclamation written for him by a 
Copperhead editor-that he might hold control over the military, 
and preclude all interference on the part of the Federal Govern- 
ment." 

On July 15th, the Tribune said:— 

" We do not know how far the Government has been made ac- 
quainted with the state of affairs in this city, or whether they know 
any thin- about it further than is to be learned from the public press. 
Bv;t if thev depend upon that source of information, we beg to assure 
them of one fact of vital moment, that is, that this district is in la- 
mentable want of a military commander. We yield to none in re- 
spect for the past services of General Wool, but these are not times 
to sacrifice present interests to a respect for a reputation earned m 
years that are past. General Wool is now a very old man, and has 
neither the physical abiUty nor the mental resoiu-ces to meet he 
fearful omergency into which we have been precipitated by the 
machinations of the treacherous 'Copperheads' and their organs. 
He clearlv does not comprehend either the magnitude or the char- 
acter of 'the crisis, and failing to do this, ho as necessarily fails to 



110 HOX. HOKATIO SKYMOCE. 

delegate tlte proper authority and responsibility to younger and moro 
active men, who, if left to themselves even, might prove quite equal 
to the demands of the moment. That moment demands wisdom, 
energy, promptness, and above all, the courage of a true soldier, who, 
recognizing that a real battle is before him, with a desperate' and 
savage, though undisciplined force, hesitates not an instant to use 
the means at his command to defeat and exterminate it." 

It denied Governor Seymour's statement, which 
was subsequently proved to be true, that the draft 
had been suspended, and raved after this fashion ; — 

" Traitors at the Xorth will begin to comprehend that this Govern- 
ment means to crush treason wherever it dares to lift its head, and 
they will soon be made to believe, if they do not already know, that 
the people will stand by the Government spite of the efforts of 
Copperhead presses, of murderous mobs, and of Governors who 
openly proclaim their friendship and affiliation with the scoundrels 
composing them, and who seek to conciliate favor with insurgents by 
professing to have extorted from the President a cowardly concession 
which he publicly denies having made." 

Again, calling for martial law, July 18, it said : — 

•' The military power of the N'ational Government must enforce 
the draft. We tell the President plainly, if it is possible he can need 
to be told, that unless vigorous measures are adopted in season, he 
must expect to witness another, and beyonddoubt a better organized, 
more extensive, and infinitely more dangerous insurrection than has 
yet occurred. Martial law and the means of enforcing it, soldiers, 
and a general of courage and capacity, will secure the execution of 
the draft, and they only will secure it. Will the Government be 
warned in time ?" 

The Times said, " give them grape, and a plenty 
of it !" The Post called for the removal of an 
officer who fired blank cartridges from a battery at 
a crowd of men, women, and children, instead of soKd 
shot, and it said July Ittth : — 

" It did not require pacificatory speeches from Mr. Kennedy, or any 



COMME.NTS OF THE PS ESS. Ill 

other person ; tliere was demanded a light battery, with a supply of 
grape and canister, half a regiment of cavalry, and two or tliree 
officers with pluck to use these means." 

"When peace and quiet was restored, those wlio 
had been engaged in open and flagrant crime, — the 
destruction of life and property, — showed less malig- 
nant rage and vindictive hate when they w^ere de- 
•feated and beaten down than was exhibited by the 
editors of the leading Republican journals and some 
of the active managers of that party. Governor 
Seymour had foiled their scheme for putting ^ew 
York under martial law. It was renewed at a later 
day with a view of depriving the city of its votes 
at the Presidential election. Their rao^e knew no 
bounds when they were checkmated at every point. 
It is just to say, that many prominent Republicans 
expressed their detestation of the conduct of these 
men, and gave efficient aid to the Governor, the 
Mayor, and Gen. Wool, in their efforts to uphold the 
laws. 

During the riots, the non-partisan journals ac- 
knowledged the fact tha the effect of Gov. Sey- 
mour's presence and actions was to show a marked 
improvement in the order of tlie city. The Herald 
said : — 

" The surrender of the management of the city by Mayor Opdyke 
into the hands of G-ov. Seymour seemed calculated to allay the ex-, 
citement for a time." 

The Journal of Commerce of July 16, said : — 

"Prom the moment that Governor Seymour arrived in the city, it 
became manifest that a cool and determined, as well as a judicious 
mind was at tlie head of affairs, and the riot, which liad gained to 



112 HON. IIORA.TIO SEYMOUR. 

terrible force during the weak management of the Mayor, began to 
lose ground. The Governor proceeded with great calmness and 
energy. He went in person during the day to all parts of the city, 
exhibiting himself to the excited populace as the controlling spirit of 
the movements to suppress the mob. Unmoved by the furioirs in- 
sanity of the radical politicians, who besought him to exterminate 
the mob with cannon and musketry without attempting to talk or to 
save their lives, he issued his proclamation, and at once the effect 
began to be visible. The people who were aiding the mob by silent 
acquiescence l*egan to desert them, and rally to the side of law and 
order. A very wise speech, most excellent in its effect, was delivered 
by the Governor to a large mass of this class of persons, who had 
been standing around the Tribune office and the Park, expecting 
another riotous demonstration there, and the effect proved the Gov- 
ernor's keen and thoughtful appreciation of affairs. The crowds at 
once dispersed, and from that time there has been no larger gather- 
ing than is daily seen in that locality. This speech undoubtedly 
restored the quiet of the lower part of the city, and prevented any 
further demonstrations against the Tribune.''^ 

But the Governor received still higher praise from 
his political opponents. The Albany Evening Jour- 
nal, immediately after the riot, said : — 

" Governor Seymour, in so promptly ' Declaring the City m 
A state op Insurrection,' contributed largely to the suppression 
of the mob. It gave immediate legal efficiency to the military arm, 
and enabled the civil authorities to use that power with terrible 
effect. It showed also, that it was Governor Seymour's pur- 
pose to give 'No Quarter' to the ruffians who seized upon 
the occasion of a popular excitement to rob and murder. The exer- 
cise of the power thus called into service was effective. The ' insur- 
rection' has been quelled. The Mob has been overpowered. 
Law and order have triumphed, and the riotously disposed every- 
where have received a lesson which they will not soon for- 
get." 

Mayor Opdyke, on several subsequent occasions, 
publicly expressed his appro\'al and commendation 
of Governor Seymour's course during the riots, 



HIS COIIKSE APPROVED BY MAYOR OPDYKE. 113 

Stating that all co-operated to restore the peace of 
the city. He did not hesitate to say in the Consti- 
tutional Convention, " Everything that it was possi- 
ble for him to do was done to aid in the suppression 

of the riots." 

But the most undeniable and conclusive proof of 
the effect of Governor Seymour's presence in the city 
is shown in the course of the price of gold in Wall 
Street. The Ti^nes of July 16, notes the fact that 
after the issue of the proclamation of Seymour, gold 
fell four per cent. The following table shows its 
course : — 

July 14, Monday, ....-• l^l^ 

July 15, 'Wednesday, ^^'^ 

July 16, Thursday, ^26 

Beyond the fact that the draft was ordered while 
the military of the city was in Pennsylvania, and that 
it was conducted nnder circumstances showing sin- 
ister purposes, other facts soon came to light, prov- 
ing that a cruel and wicked outrage was attempted 
aglinst the laboring classes of ISTew York and Brook- 
lyn. It was found that the districts in whicli they 
lived were charged with nearly thrice the number of 
conscripts demanded in other districts with equal 
population. Thus, the fifth district, with a popula- 
tion of 129,983, was required to furnish 5,SST con- 
scripts, while it was afterward admitted that it ought 
to furnish only 1,771, and seven Democratic districts 
in New York City were required to furnish two-fifths 
of the conscripts, and twenty-one Republican dis- 
tricts in the county only three-fifths. Undeterred by 



114 HOX. HOKATIO SEYMOUR. 

the clamor winch was raised against him, Governor 
Seymour resolved that these wrongs should be 
righted. While President Lincoln appeared to be 
willing to look into the cliarges brought by the Gov- 
ernor against his officials, there were many leading 
Republicans, wealthy men of the city, mindless of 
their duty to protect the poor and the helpless, who 
demanded that the draft should go on. A sharp 
correspondence took place between Mr. Seymour 
and the President. The proofs of fraud and corrup- 
tion were made so strong, that at length even parti- 
san malice was forced to give way. A commission 
of three was appointed, *two named by the war de- 
partment and one by the governor, to look into the 
facts. They unanimously found that the quotas 
were unequally and unjustly assigned. They made 
a deduction of 14,000, and found that all the excesses 
were in democratic districts. Their report was ap- 
proved by the Secretary of War. The city was 
saVed from a direct outrage and a heavy tax ; and at 
the end of the controversy, and of events so exciting 
iixid embittered. Governor Seymour enjoyed a tri- 
umph which few men have ever tasted. A Repub- 
lican Assembly, honorably rising above not only par- 
tisan feelings, but their own commitments, on April 
16, 18G4, unanimously passed a resolution, thanking 
him for his course about the quota, and thus more 
than vindicating his actions during all the violence, 
and excitements, and conspiracies against the rights 
of the people of the State of IsTew York, which 
occurred during the summer of 1S63. 

AYe give these resolutions, for but few of the Ee- 



KESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE ASSEMBLY. 1J5 

publican papers have been fair enough to let their 
readers know thej were ever passed : — • 

^^ Besolved^ That the thanks of this House be, and are hereby, ten- 
dered to his Excelleacy, Governor Seymour, for calling the atten- 
tion of the Greneral Government at Washington to the errors in tlie 
apportionment of the quota of this State, under the enrollment act 
of March 3, 18G3, and for his prompt and efficient efforts in procuring 
a correction of the same. 

^'■Resolved, That the Clerk of this House transmit to the Gorernor 
a copy of this report and resolutions." 

The Board of Supervisors of ISTew York, equally 
divided between Democrats and Republicans, also 
unanimously passed a similar resolution. 

If the public has at times been surprised at the 
malignant attacks upon Governor Seymour, made 
by Mr. Grealey and otiiers, they must bear in mind 
that no men are so unyielding in their hate, as those 
who have been detected and foiled in base, dishonor- 
able and criminal purposes. 

Such was the rage of these men against all who 
sought to restore order to the city, that when Arch- 
bishop Hughes, in the performance of his duties as a 
minister of Christ's religion, sought to persuade 
erring men to return to their duties, he was bitterly 
assailed by these partisan journals. The following 
touching letter from him shows how keenly he felt 
these attacks upon his person and his sacred office :^ 

New York, July 14, 1863. 
His Excellency, Horatio Seymour, 

Governor State of New York: — 
My Dear Goteiwor: — I have just received yours of this date; 
I shall leave nothing undone by means of direct and indirect influ- 
ence to correspond with your wishes iu regard to our present Cidami- 



116 HON". HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

^ies. Once before, I prevented a riot; but some of our local news- 
papers warned me off, intimating that if the civil authorities could 
not protect the peace of the community, better allow the streets to 
run with blood than that such consequences should be prevented by 
ecclesiastical influence or authority. 

At present, there does not appear any fair opportunity of address 
ing the unfortunate people who are now disturbing the tranquillity 
of the city, since it is stated to me that their boldest leader is a nmn 
from Virginia, named Andrews, and that most of his subordinates in 
leadership are from the State of Connecticut, having recruited addi- 
tional force in the city of Brooklyn. 

It is not surprising that they should find many dupes, along the 
wharves and in the workshops of New York. 

I shall have a letter in the New York Herald to-morrow, and in 
the postscript thereto I shall make an appeal to the Catholics, who 
may be unfortunately engaged in this sad business, to retire from 
their connection with it in as brief a time as possible. 
I am, with great respect, 

Your Excellency's sincere and humble servant, 

f JOHN, Archbishop of New York. 

V 

The following is the postscript referred to : — 

" In spite of Mr. Greeley's assault upon the Irish, in the present 
disturbed condition of the city, I will appeal not only to them, but to 
all persons who love God and revere the holy Catholic religion whi(ih 
they profess, to respect also the laws of man and the peace of society, 
to retire to their homes with as little delay as possible, and discon- 
nect themselves from the seemingly deliberate intention to disturb 
the peace and social rights of the citizens of New York. If they are 
Catholics, or of such of them as are Catholics, I ask, for God's sake 
— for the sake of their holy religion — for my own sake, if they have 
any respect for the Episcopal authority — to dissolve their bad asso- 
ciatiou.s with reckless men, who have little regard either for Divine 

or human laws. 

"f John," &c., &c 

It is due to the leading capitalists of the city of 
Xew York, who were consenting witnesses to these 
outrages upon their poorer neighbors whom it was 



AUCHBISHOP hughes' LETTER. 117 

their duty to protect, that, at length, shamed into a 
sense of their own unmanly course during these 
difficulties, they came forward and expressed to the 
commission whose decision had lifted such a load of 
taxation from the city, and to the Governor who had 
prevented so much outrage and wrong, their sense 
of the obligations under which he had placed all 
classes of men in the great cities of J^ew York and 
Brooklyn. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

MEASURES FOR TPIE • RELIEF OF SOLDIERS.— NEGRO 

RECRUITING-. 

DuKiNG this terra, Governor Seymour omitted no 
opportunity to render practical service to the l!^ew 
York soldiers in the field. On March 30, 1863, he 
transmitted to the Legislature a special message re- 
commending '^ an ample appropriation by this State 
for its sick and wounded troops." The Legislature 
acceded to his request, and, having made an appro- 
priation, the Governor appointed his brother, Colonel 
John F. Seymour, as general agent for the relief of 
sick and wounded soldiers. He devoted his whole 
time and energies to this noble work until the close 
of the Governor's term. The State agency at 
Washington was opened upon an ample basis, to- 
gether with agencies at Baltimore, Philadelphia, 
Harrisburg, and Louisville, and a soldiers' depot, 
wdth ample accommodations for sick or returning 
soldiers, in the city of ^New York. The whole work 
was placed under the control of a board of mana- 
gers, and was conducted with great economy and 
efficiency. 

Governor Seymour was present at the dedication 
of the Gettysburg Cemetery, E'ovember 19, 1863. 
In the afternoon, after the formal ceremonies, the 



AT DEDICATION OF GETTYSUUKG CEMETERY. 119 

Fifth ISTew York Regiment, Colonel Murray, marched 
to his temporary residence, and passed in review 
before him. Upon the conclusion of this ceremony, 
Governor Seymour presented a handsome silk regi- 
mental standard to the regiment, and spoke briefly 
to the soldiers. lie concluded by saying : — 

'* When you return from your fields of dangerous duty, you will 
■bring back this standard to place among the archives of our State. 
I do not doubt that although it may perhaps, be returned torn and 
atained, yet that it will be still more glorious with the recollec- 
tions clustering around it. In concluding these remarks, I ask in 
return of the men of New York, to give three cheers for the ' Union 
of our country, and three cheers for the flag of our land.' " 

It is unnecessary to say that they were heartily 
given. 

During Governor Seymour's term, through his 
brother, the State agent, he purchased lots in the 
cemeteries at Gettysburg and Antietam for the 
burial of ISTew York soldiers who fell at those points. 

At the commencement of his term, Governor Sey- 
mour desired to adopt a rule to make promotions in 
the volunteer service according to seniority, and the 
recommendations of field officers. In order to obtain 
appropriations from those politically opposed to him, 
he was sometiraes compelled, against his judgment, to 
depart from it, but always did so reluctantly. During 
the height of the canvass of 1864, a friend of the 
governor, traveling between Washington and Albany, 
overheard a conversation, in which a Xew York 
officer indulged in the most violent abuse of Governor 
Seymour, designating him as a Copperhead, traitor, 
&c. On entering the executive departruent at 



120 HON. HOKATIO SErMOUB. 

Albany, Governor Seymour's friend was surprised to 
find this officer an applicant for promotion. He 
took opportunity to mention to his Excellency the 
conversation referred to, and remonstrated against 
the promotion. The Governor merely smiled, and 
on examining the papers and finding that the officer 
was in regular line of promotion, and well recom- 
mended, granted the recommendation. The officer 
was very much mortified afterward, to learn that 
the Governor had granted it with a full knowledge 
of what he had said. 

The Governor always promptly responded when 
called upon to aid in any measures for the relief of 
the soldiers. On the 22d of February, 1864, he was 
present and inaugurated the Albany Relief Bazaar, 
the fair and exhibition connected with which was 
kept open for some weeks, and from which a large 
sum was realized. 

All the veteran regiments which returned by way 
of the State capital were warmly received and wel- 
comed by him. During the session of the Legisla- 
ture of 1863, a formal presentation of war-worn flags 
of veteran regiments to the State, took place at the 
Assembly Chamber, and were received by the 
Governor on behalf of the Bureau of Military Record. 
A like presentation was made during the session of 
1864. "We quote a passage from Governor Seymour's 
speech on the last occasion : — 

"It has required no stretch of imagination to picture to ourselves 
the scene when these brave, bold and stalwart men went forth from 
the hills and valleys and cities of our land to battle for our flag. You 
have seen them from time to time, returning here shattered and 



NEGRO RECKUITING. 121 

broken, the mere remnants of those glorious bands, which excited 
our admiration and our enthusiasm on their departure. And in their 
history you have an epitome of the whole war. The banners that 
have been presented to you this night have been fanned by the 
breezes of Carohna, have been dampened with the dews that have 
fallen in the swamps of Virginia, have drooped under the almost 
tropical sun of Louisiana, have floated high in the heavens 'in the 
battle above the clouds,' at Lookout Mountain, where, under their 
folds, we won an honorable victory. It is well that our State on 
this occasion has shown its ancient fidelity to the flag of our country, 
to the Union of these States, and to the Constitution of our land." 

Upon the repeal of the three hundred dollar com- 
mutation clause of the United Enrolment Act, passed 
July 4r, 1864:, provision was made by Congress for 
the enlistment of negroes in certain of the Southern 
States. 

Competition between localities for the early filling 
of the quotas assigned under the call of the Presi- 
dent of July 18, 1864, ran high, large bounties were 
demanded and paid to volunteers in the military or 
naval service, and great hopes of relief from negro 
recruits, were entertained in some quarters. 

Numerous applications were accordingly made to 
Governor Seymour by local authorities, for commis- 
sions to proceed to the South as agents of the State, 
to procure negro recruits. 

The Governor, foreseeing that this was a scheme to 
plunder the .people while it would not aid the army, 
refused to grant these applications, or to commit the 
State to this scheme of evasion of duty and fraud. 

In cases where supervisors of counties deputed 
agents for this purpose, he merely gave a certificate 
of the fact of such desigations by local boards, 
" subject at all times to revocation or modifica- 

6 



122 HON. nOKATIO SEYAIpUR. 

tion." and with the provision that it was to be " ex- 
pressly understood, that the State of New York is 
in no way to be held responsible for the acts of -such 
agents." 

While Governor Blair, of Michigan, adopted a 
similar course of action, the decision of Governor 
Seymour -was coarsely assailed by many of the Re- 
publican ioumals of the State. 

The New York Tribune^ in speaking of the course 
of the Governor, charged that 'Mie will be held re- 
sponsible for the draft of just so many men as might, 
by proper diligence, have been obtained elsewhere." 

The person's who were sent forward by towns and 
cities, as was anticipated, met with but indifferent 
success, and only a few hundred recruits were thus 
obtained. Many of the agents returned home in 
disgust without accomplishing any thing. 

A system of fraud was inaugurated through com- 
plicity of United States authorities, whereby some 
" credits upon paper " were secured, w^hile but few 
actual accessions were made to the army by the whole 
scheme, rendering new and additional calls for troops 
necessary in December, 1864 

So gross were these frauds, that while the quotas 
were apparently filled, the War Department has de- 
clared that although the records show that eight hun- 
dred thousand men had been enrolled, and bounties 
paid for them, not one-third of the number ever 
reached the army. 

A Congressional investigation was at once entered 
upon, but the fi*auds were so wide-spread, they in- 
volved so many leading Republicans, and were so 



FB^inDULENT CREDITS. 123 

gross in their character, that the Committee did not 
dare to proceed with their investigations. To get 
rid of the subject, the late Provost-Marshal-General 
was hastily thrown overboard, and as far as possible 
public attention turned away from the subject ; but 
there is not a county in the State, which was not 
cheated and robbed under this system against which 
the Governor protested. 

Since the close of the war, some of these bonnty 
frauds have been unearthed and exposed and the 
Attorney-General of K ew York has instituted legal 
proceedings to try and determine charges of frauds 
against several " loyal " Republicans of the State. 



1« 



CHAPTER XIY. 

GOV. SEYMOUR'S EFFORTS TO PROCURE THE SOLDIERS 
THE RIGHT OP VOTING, AND TO PROTECT THEM 
AGAINST FRAUD. 

On the IStli of April, 1863, Gov. Seymour sent to 
tlie Legislature a message upon the subject of taking 
the votes of soldiers and sailors absent at the seat of 
war. It commenced as follows : — 

" To the Senate : Tlie question of a method by which those of Dur 
fellow-citizens who are absent in the military and naval service of 
the nation may be enabled to enjoy their right of suffrage, is one of 
great interest to the people of this State, and has justly excited their 
attention. I do not doubt that the members of the Legislature par- 
ticipate in the general desire that those who so nobly endure fatigue 
and suffering, and peril life in the hope that by such sacrifices our 
National Union may be preserved and our Constitutfon upheld, shall, 
if possible, be secured an opportunity for the free and intelligent 
exercise of all their political rights and privileges. The Constitution 
of this State requires the elector to vote in the election district in 
which he resides ; but it is claimed by some that a law can be 
passed whereby the vote of an absent citizen may be given by his 
authorized representative. It is clear to me that the Constitution 
intends that the right to vote shall only be exercised by the elector 
in person. It would be an insult and an injury to the soldier to 
place the exercise of this right upon a doubtful or unconstitutional 
law, when it can be readily secured to bim by a constitutional 
amendment." 

In view of these considerations, Gov. Seymour 
submitted the following recommendations and sug- 
gestions to the Legislature : — 



VOTmd OF SOLDIEES AND SAILORS. 125 

" It is not neceesary that the effort to secure to our gallant soldiers 
and seamen a just participation in the choice of the next adminis- 
tration of the National Government, should be subjected to such 
dangers. A proposed amendment of the Constitution, giving to the 
Legislature the needful power upon this subject, can be adopted at 
the present session, and if concurred in by the next Legislature, can 
be submitted to the people in such season, that, if their decision is 
favorable, the action which would be afterward necessary, could be 
taken by that legislature. I respectfully recommend that this 
course be taken, rather than the passage of an unconstitutional law 
or one of questionable validity. 

" Great care should be taken to prevent, by the most efficient 
checks, the abuses and frauds to which the exercise of the rights of 
suffrage by absentees would be liable. These safeguards would 
properly be a matter of legislation after the adoption of a consti- 
tutional amendment. Measures should be taken for securing perfect 
independence to absent soldiers and seamen in giving their votes, 
which shall be so comprehensive and efficient, as to relieve any rea- 
sonable apprehension upon this point." 

^Notwithstanding this message, the Eepublican 
Legislature passed a law which they knew to be 
unconstitutional, and w^liich they knew Gov. Sey- 
mour would be compelled to veto, apparently for the 
sole purpose of being able to pervert his action into 
an argument that he was opposed to soldiers voting. 

Gov. Seymour promptly vetoed this bill, giving, 
as follows, the primary reason for so doing: — 

"It is so clearly in violation of the Constitution, in the judgment 
of men of all parties, that it is needless to dwell upon that objection 
to the bill. While it only received, in the Assembly, tlie number of 
votes necessary to its passage, some of those who voted for it openly 
stated their opposition to the measure. After its passage, that 
branch of the Legislature, with great unanimity and without regard 
to political differences, adopted the resolution for an amendment to 
the Constitution, to secure the objects of this bill, in accordance with 
the recommendations of the message wliich I lately sent to the 
Legislature on this subject." 



126 HON. HOEATIO SET^IOUK. 

Gov. Seymour also referred to other fatal defects 
in tlie bill, and continued : — 

" The bill is in conflict with vital principles of electoral purity and 
independence. It is well said by Dr. Lieber, in his work on ' Civil 
Liberty and Self-G-overnment,' that 'AH elections must be superin- 
tended by election judges and officers, independent of the executive, 
or any other organized or unorganized power of the Government. 
The indecency, as well as the absurdity and immorality, of the Gov- 
ernment recommending what is to be voted, ought never to be per- 
mitted.' This bill not only fails to guard against abuses and frauds, 
but it ofifers every inducement and temptation to perpetrate them 
by those who are under the immediate and particular control of the 
General Government, That Government has not hesitated to inter- 
fere, directly with the local elections, by permitting officers of high 
rank to engage in them in States of which they are not citizens. In 
marked instances, high and profitable military commissions have 
been given to those who have never rendered one day of military 
duty, who have never been upon a battle-field, but who have been 
in the receipt of military pay and military honors, to support them 
in their interference, in behalf of the Administration, with the elect- 
ive franchises of different sovereign and loyal States. 

" Not only have some been thus rewarded for going beyond the 
bounds of military propriety, but other and subordinate officers have 
been punished and degraded for the fair and independent exercise of 
their political rights, at their own homes, and in the performance, of 
their civil duties. I call the attention of the Legislature and of the 
pubhc to the following order : 

"'"War Department — Adjutant General's Office, ) 
Washington, March 13, 1863. f 

[Special Orders — ^No. 119.] 

{Extract 

' 34. By direction of the President, the following officer is hereby 
dismissed from the service of the United States :— 

' Lieut. A. J. Edgerly, Fourth New Hampshire Volunteers, for circu- 
lating Copperhead tickets — doing all in his power to promote the 
success of the rebel cause in his State. 

' By order of the Secretary of "War, 

'L. THOMAS, Adjutant General.' 
* To the Govet-nor of Kew Hampshire^ 



THE REASONS FOK HIS VETO. 127 

" I regret to say, that I have ample ovidenco that this order wag 
issued in the terms above recited. This order, unjust and unworthy 
in its purposes, and most offensive in its terms, punishes a citizen 
and a soldier for supporting a candidate for the office of Governor, 
in his own State, who received many thousand more of the votes of 
its electors than any other candidate for the station, including the 
one who represented, more particularly, the views and purposes of 
the National Administration. Such acts are more disastrous to the 
cause of our Union than the loss of battles. Such violent measures 
of partisanship weaken, divide, and distract the people of the Xorth, 
at the very moment they are called upon, without distinction of 
party, to make vast sacrifices of blood and treasure to uphold the 
Government. Notwithstanding the notoriety of these acts, the bill 
I return throws no guard around the rights and independence of our 
soldiers in the field. An amendment, designed to protect them 
against coercion and fraud, was rejected in one branch of the Legis- 
lature." 

The principles of this veto, for which. Gov. Sey- 
mour, as for every other public act, was violently 
assailed with epithets and with charges of treason, 
were subsequently sustained by the veto by Gov. 
Gilmore, the Republican Executive of JSTew Hamp- 
shire, of a bill of precisely the same character in 
which he insisted that the same end should be ac- 
complished by an amendment to, rather than by a 
violation of, the State Constitution. lie advised the 
course pursued in New York. Gov. Gihnore added, 
" The next step after the violation of the Constitution 
of the State of ]N"ew Hampshire, and of the United 
States, is anarchy." 

At an early period of the subsequent session of the 
Legislature, an act was passed to submit an amend- 
ment of the Constitution, enabling soldiers to vote, 
which was signed by Gov. Seymour. In March, 
1864, the amendment was submitted under this act, 



128 HOI^'. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

and received the almost unanimous sanction of the 
people of the State, the Democratic party gi&nerally 
supporting it. At a later stage in the session, an 
act was passed to provide for soldiers and sailors 
voting by power of attorney. That bill was signed 
by the Governor, and he, in the following autumn 
after the ^National and State nominations had been 
made, proceeded to carry out its provisions. Thus, 
it will be seen that the plan of the Kepublicans to 
cheat the soldiers by an invalid law, was thwarted 
by Gov. Seymour. The soldiers understood this 
and therefore, in large numbers, voted for him 
against all the threats and other influences brought 
to bear by the General Government. They felt that 
they owed the privilege of voting to him. 

Under date of September 30, 1864, Gov. Seymour" 
issued a circular to the commandants and surgeons 
of i^ew York regiments in the field, from wiiich the 
following is a quotation : — 

"You can do much toward securing to jour officers and men a 
fair expression of their political preferences, if you will detail one 
or more officers of your command of each political party, to distribute 
the ballots and to aid the soldiers and commissioners in filling up the 
requisite powers of attorney. You are also requested to use every 
effort, to send forward the envelopes containing the powers of at- 
torney and ballots, to the electors in the several election districts of 
this State, named on the back thereof — either by express or mail, or 
through such reliable Commissioners as may visit your command. I 
feel confident that every officer from New York will feel an honor- 
able pride in seeing that the laws of his State are carried out accord- 
mg to their letter and spirit, and that they will protect all under their 
ease, in the full and free exercise of their personal and political 
rights." 

Under the same date, tlie Governor addressed the 



APPOINTMENT OF COMMISSIONERS. 129 

following letter to Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, then 
Secretary of State, the highest Republican State 
officer then in office, and who by law was charged 
with the distribution of blanks under the Soldiers' 
Voting Act : — 

" I shall send a set of ballots to every regiment from New York. 
I will send them for both political parties, if you or any other person 
will furnish me those for the candidates of the Republican party — 
or if you prefer to send them I will give you any facihty in my 
power." 

Gov. Seymour called on Mr. Depew, and suggested 
to him that commisioners, of whose high character 
there would be no question, should be appointed to 
represent each party, so that there should be entire 
fairness in taking the votes of the soldiers. To the 
propriety of this Mr. Depew assented, but did not 
take further agtion, and Gov. Seymour therefore 
made the appointment on his own responsibility, no- 
tifying Mr. Depew of the proceeding in the following 
letter ; 

" Some days since I spoke with you concerning the appointment 
by you and myself of joint commissioners to proceed to the several 
United States Hospitals, and to visit the armies in the field, for the 
purpose of distributing ballots to our New York soldiers, now in 
the JJnited States service, and to carry out the purposes of the law 
for soldiers voting. 

"As the day for the election approaches, every delay becomes in- 
jurious to our soldiers — and as I have heard nothing from you, with 
reference to a co-operation in making such appointments, I have 
selected several commissioners to proceed to Washington and the 
army of the Potomac to this end. 

"I shall be happy to add others if you will name them. I have 
directed them to carry ballots for any parties, that may see fit to put 
them into their hands." 
6* 



130 HON. HOEATIO SEYMOUR. 

Among the agents so appointed to furnish and re- 
ceive votes, where the agents of the State, for the 
relief of sick and wounded soldiers at Washington 
and Baltimore, who were directed to receive the 
votes of Kew York soldiers at the hospitals. Hon. 
John F. Seymour, the General Agent, issued orders 
that they should provide themselves with Republican 
as well as Democratic ballots, and furnish them to 
all soldiers who wished them. A delay of ten or 
twelve days occurred on account of the refusal to 
furnish the agents with passes and other obstacles 
placed in their way by administration officials. 
Notwithstanding these, however, it was found that 
a very large vote was being given by the soldiers for 
McClellan and Seymour. 



• 



CHAPTER XY. 

THE OUTRAGE OiT THE ITEW YORK STATE AGENTS.— 
THEIR ARREST AND LONG INCARCERATION AND 
SUBSEQUENT ACQUITTAL AND VINDICATION. 

The National Administration became alarmed for 
their success in the Empire State, and for the pur- 
pose of furnishing a pretext to seize the votes and 
,also to create a revulsion of public sentiment in New 
York, a scheme was concocted to arrest the State 
ao-entson the charge of fraud, and bring them before 
a° secret tribunal for trial, while false and mali- 
cious stories and alleged confessions were industrious- 
ly circulated through the press. The outrage perpe- 
trated in carrying out this plot was one of the most 
flagrant and inexcusable in the long list of violations 
of l^ersonal rights which form a part of the history 
of the civil war. 

On the 2Tth of October, lS6i, about a week prior 
to the election, Col. Samuel North, Major Levi Cohn, 
and M. M. Jones, citizens of the State, were arrested 
and incarcerated in the Old Capitol Prison. The 
ballots deposited for transmission by the State agents 
were seized and detained. Thousands of ballots 
which had been deposited in the mails, were detained 
in the post-offices of New York City and elsewhere 
until after the election. To prevent detection of 
this fraud, the post-marks were changed. In some 



132 UOIS. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

instances also where tlie sick soldiers returned home || 

in time to vote in person, they discovered that the 
democratic ballots which they had placed in the en- 
velope had been taken out and republican ballots 
substituted. It was clearly shown by those who in- 
vestigated the matter that enough votes were detain- 
ed and changed to have carried the New York 
election for McClellan and Seymour. Immediately 
upon the arrest, Gov. Seymour sent on a commission 
of three eminent gentlemen from New York, two of 
whom had been candidates for governor and the 
third the present state comptroller and a judge of 
the highest court in the State — Hon. Amasa J. Parker, 
Hon. Wm. F. Allen, and Hon. William Kelley — to 
demand the speedy trial and release of Col. North 
and his associates. They procured some mitigation 
of the rigor of their confinement, but the administra- 
tion refused to listen to any further demands on their 
part. 

Their report will make the face of every American 
tingle with shame to think that such atrocities could ^ 
be perpetrated against innocent citizens at the Na- 
tional Capital — acts wdiich would disgrace a barbar- 
ous people. 

We -can give only the following extract : — 

" The undersigned availed themselves of the permit granted them 
to visit Col. North, Marvin M. Jones, and Levi Cohu. They found 
them in the ' Carrol Prison,' in close confinement. They then learned 
that Messrs. North and Cohn had been confined together in ono 
room, and had not been permitted to leave it for -a moment during 
the four days they had been prisoners, even for the purpose of 
answering the calls of nature. Tliey had been supplied with meager 
and coarse prison rations, to be eaten in the room, where they con- 



IMPiaSONMENT OF THE AGENTS. 133 

stantly breathed the foul atmosphere arising from the standing ordure. 
They had no vessel out of which to drink water except the one fur- 
nished them for the purpose of urination. They had but one chair, 
and slept three of the nights of their couunement upon a sack of 
su-aw ou the floor, * They had not been permitted to see a newspaper, 
and were ignorant of the cause of their arrest. All communication 
between them and the outer world had been denied them, and no 
friend had been allowed to see them." 

By such brutal appliances it was sought to break 
down the spirit of these men and mold them to the 
purposes of the administration. It had been com- 
municated to them, and was well understood, that 
in case they would make false confessions, implica- 
ting Governor Seymour in frauds upon the elective 
franchise, they could thereby secure an early release. 

It having been determined to proceed to the trial 
of the agents by a Military Commission, in viola- 
tion of the law under which they were appointed, 
Gov. Seymour selected and sent to Washington 
as counsel and to attend to their interests Hon. 
William A. Beach and Hon. Kansom H. Gillett. 

From the day of the arrest till the day of the elec- 
tion the Republican press teemed with false accounts 
of the alleged frauds, and it was boldly charged, in 
order to cover their own frauds upon the soldiers, 
that a gigantic conspiracy was headed by Gov. Sey- 
mour to divert the whole soldiers' vote to the Demo- 
cratic ticket. 

The correspondent of the N. Y. Tribune wrote 
from Penn Yan, N. Y., October 28, 18<)4, stating 
that Gov. Seymour had just closed a speech which 
was *' one tissue of the basest sophistry ; a low ap- 
peal to the fears, the selfishness, and the passions of 



134 HON. HOKATIO SEYMOUK. 

tlie uneducated masses. He alluded to the arrest of 
the agent whom he sent to obtain the soldiers' vote 
in the following cheeky, brassy, unprincipled and 
false manner." The correspondent then quotes a 
passage in which Gov. Seymour spoke merely of 
the fact of the arrest of the agents, and remarks : 
" The impression flashed over many a mind that the 
apologist fortius criminal was not only his master but 
his mSTRUCTOK and ACCOMPLICE in this ne- 
farious, undemocratic crime against our brave sol- 
diers." The capitals are the Trihime's. 

On November 1, 1864, the Tribune said: — • 

" That agents appointed by Gov. Seymour to obtain tlie votes of 
f?oldiers in the field, for the opposition ticket, have been engaged 
in wholesale forgeries of the names of voters and officers, with intent 
to poll tens of thousands of bogus votes for McClellan and Seymour, 
is well established, as any fact can be, by a concurrence of positive 
and circumstantial testimony. Seymour knows this to be so." 

The trial commenced on the 3d of November, 
1864, and was protracted to January 6, 1865, but 
even then neither the public nor the accused were 
allowed to know the lindings of the court, and the 
prisoners were kept in the Old Capitol for several 
weeks after the finding was made. To quote from 
an able speech by Hon. John C. Jacobs, at the 
last session of the Legislature : — 

" These citizens and agents of the State, though released, were 
told by one man that they were convicted, and by another that they 
were acquitted, all the while resting under stigma, regarded by some 
as forgers, and by many treated with contempt. Finally, sir, when 
years have passed, we are permitted to look upon the official records. 

"Col. North first learns of his acquittal by being released upon the 
following order : — 



3E, [ 
> ) 



ACQUITTAL OF THE AGENTS. 135 

Washington, D. C, Jan. 30, 1865. 
My Dear Sir — I inclose you a certified copy directing your re- 
lease, saying you are acquitted. 

The others are convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for life. 
So says the Secretary of War. 

Yery truly yours, 

JOHN GANSOiT. 
Col. Samuel North, Unadilla, N. T. 

(Copy.) 

"War Department, 
Adjutant-General's Office, 
"Washington, January 26, 1865. 

Mr. Wm. p. "Wood, Superintendent Old Capitol Prison : — 

Sir — Col. North having been acquitted by the Military Commission 
before which he was tried, the Secretary of War directs that he be 
immediately released from confinement. 
Report receipt and execution of this order. 
(Signed) Yery respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 
E. D. TOWNSEND, Asst. Adj.-Gen. 
(A true copy.) 

E. D. Townsend, Asst. Adj. -General. 

"It will be noticed that the Secretary of War stated that Cohn and 
Jones had been convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for life. 
He repeated this to Col. North 'and others, and insisted upon it. The 
statement was published in the papers and generally believed. Then 
comes another letter from John Ganson, as follows : 

Washington, D. C, Feb. 15, 1865. 
My Dear Sir — Cohn and Jones were acquitted and discharged ac- 
cordingly, on my application to the Secretary of War. 

The statements made in regard to them were/or the purpose of letting 
the party in power down easy. 
I hope your freedom Las restored you to good health, 

Yery truly yours, 

JOHN GANSON. 
Col. Samuel North, Unadilla, N. Y. 

'* Edwin M. Stanton deliberately lied, in saying that Cohn and Jono3 
were convicted, as this letter shows, and as the records, then in 
Stanton's possession, establish. Though these general statements 
were made, and the agents were released, yet the War Secretary re- 



136 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

fused to allow anj oflBcial verdict of the Military Commission to he 
puljlished. Why, I do not care to presume, unless it was to prevent 
further publicity of his atrocious falsehood. It was not till last year 
that the records were furnished the accused, and then by order of 
Andrew Johnson, upon the application of Congressman Goodyear." 

Here follows official record of proceedings of the 
Military Commission, dated February 12, 1867, 
showing that North, Cohn, and Jones were found 
" not guilty " on all the charges, " and do therefore 
acquit said Samuel North, Levi Cohn, and Marvin 
M. Jones." Signed, John A. Foster, Col. and Judge 
Advocate, and Abner Doubleday, Maj. Gen. of 
Yol. and President of Military Commission. 

The Tribune having just before the election 
charged that Mr. Jones made a confession, and after- 
ward claming that the three persons named had been 
convicted, but released through the leniency of the 
President, was obliged through fear of legal proceed- 
ings to publish two denials of its former statement, 
of which the following, from the issue of February 
3, 1868, is one : — 

"The New York Daily Tribune, on the 2d day of November, 1864, 
in an article in relation to the arrest of Messrs. North, Jones, and 
Cohn, at Washington, upon a charge of fraud in connection with 
soldiers' votes, published the following referring to M. M. Jones, Esq., 
of Utica, N. Y.:— 

" * Marvin Jones, Colonel North's Chief Assistant, confined with 
him at Old Capitol, has thrown gravel and ashes into the teeth of 
Governor Seymour's Special Commission to-day, by making a full 
confession of his complicity in the forging of votes, and that the busi- 
ness has been carried on at Colonel North's Agency, much more ex- 
tensively than any thing done at Baltimore. It is understood that the 
Commissioners are further staggered by his complete implication of 
Colonel North in the frauds. The end is not yet reached. 

" 'It appears that injustice was done Mr. Jones by this article, al- 
though, at the time, wo supposed it to be true, having received it 



VINDICATIOIT OF THE AGENTS. 137 

from a "Washington correspondent. Mr, Jones was, after a long im- 
prisonment, discharged by the Military Commission, and we are satis- 
fied that there was no evidence that he made any confession of, or 
that he was guilty of any forgery by himself, or at the New York 
Soldiers' Agency, as we charged in the above extract, and his dis- 
charge is satisfactory proof to us that no evidence of forgery existed.' " 

Similar falsehoods were circulated in regard to tlie 
Ealtimore arrests, and it is sufficient to say that not 
a single person appointed by Governor Seymour was 
convicted of fraud, although tried by secret and 
partisan military tribunals. The whole affair was 
characterized by Hon. William C. Bently, in the 
Assembly last winter, as follows : — 

" If gentlemen knew the degrading character of that imprisonment, 
and the means used to insult and persecute the accused, it seems to 
me that they must unanimously condemn the afifair as the most out- 
rageous and abhorrent acts of a bold, wanton, and unscrupulous 
administration, inasmuch as the proof is irrefragable that Stanton and 
his accomplices knew the innocence of the accitsed at the time they arrested 
and incarcerated them like condemned felons, in tJie strong cells of a 
dungeon^ 

And it is honorable to the Republican party, when 
these facts were laid before them, and their eyes for 
the first time were opened to the crimes thus per- 
petrated against the soldiers of Kew York, and the 
agents who were engaged in taking care of the sick 
and wounded, that they aided to pas&-^ bill which 
appropriated an ample sum to pay the counsel en- 
jraired in their defense, and thus to show their ab- 
horrence of the shameful acts of the administration 
at TVashino-ton. Thus in another instance Governor 
Seymour stands vindicated by the official votes of his 
opponents from the charges persistently made 
against him. 



'CHAPTER XYL 

PROCLAMATIONS DURING THE WAR. 

Governor Seymour's Proclamations during his 
gubernatorial terms were invariably models of ele- 
gant and vigorous writing, and were remarkable for 
toucliing and patriotic sentiments. Yet for every 
one that he issued as for every other act or expression 
of his life, however wise and pure it might be, he 
was unscrupulously abused. The reader may be 
pleased to judge for himself of theu* character by 
some extracts from proclamations issued during the 
war. 

The proclamation of a thanksgiving on the last 
Thursday of April, 1863, said : — ■ 

"Acknowledging our dependence upon His power, let us put away 
pride and ingratitude, malice and unchari*2bleness, and implore Him 
to deliver our land from sedition, privy conspiracy, and rebellion, 
and to restore the blessings of peace, concord, and union to the sev- 
eral States of our distracted and afflicted country." 

The following is the proclamation of August 3, 
1863 :— 

"Whereas, The President of the United States has set apart 
Thursday, the sixth day of August, to be observed as a day of 
National thanksgiving and praise, for the signal victories recently 
gained by our armies and navies ; I, Horatio Seymour, Governor of 
New York, do hereby request the people of this State to observe 
that day in the manner and for the purposes recommended by the 
Chief Magistrate of the Union, 



1»R0CLAMATI0NS. 139 

" Humbly acknowledging our dependence upon Almighty God, let 
us assemble In our respective places of public worship, and with 
heartfelt gratitude thank Him for our National successes. Let us 
pour forth the fervent prayer for His blessings upon those who have 
periled their hves in desperate conflicts, to uphold the Constitution 
of our country, and to maintain that Union of these States which is 
essential to the peace and happiness of our people. In the midst of 
our rejoicings, let us remember those whose homes have been made 
desolate by the ravages of war. Let us offer up our petitions that 
our people may be animated by virtue, intelhgence, and patriotism, 
and that our rulers may be endowed with wisdom to put down rebel- 
lion, to uphold the liberties and riglits of our people, and to restore 
the blessings of peace, order, and prosperity to our afflicted country." 

The Thanksgiving Proclamation for I^ovember, 
1863, read:— 

" Let us offer our fervent prayers that rebellion may be put down, 
our Union saved, our liberties preserved, and our Constitution and 
Government upheld. As a becoming proof of thankfulness to God, 
and as a proper evidence of our gratitude to the armies and navy, 
I urge our citizens to make contributions on that day, for the comfort 
and support of the destitute families of those who have lost their 
lives, or have become disabled in the service of their country. '\ 

, The following appointed a day of fasting : — 

State of New York, ) 
Executive Department, Alban^t. J 

Proclamation by the Governor. 
The President of the United States, having set apart Thursday, 
the 4th inst., fornational fasting, humiliation, and prayer; I, Horatio 
Seymour, Governor of the State of New York, do recommend that 
the day be observed thoughout the State with suitable religious so- 
lemnities. Let us repent of our manifold sins and offenses, and 
humbly pray that Almighty God will put down all rebellious resist- 
ance to rightful authority, all sectional hatred, all bigotry and malice, 
all hurtful ambition or partisan purposes which tend to discord and 
strife. That he will restore the Union of our States, and fraternal 
affection between the inhabitants thereof, and give peace to our land. 
Acknowledging the justice of his punishments upon us for our 



140 HON. HOKATIO SEYMOUR. 

national and personal sins, let us entreat him to have mercy upon 
us, to turn away his wrath, to stop the shedding of blood, to return 
our soldiers to their homes, to relieve the sick, wounded, and suffer- 
ing, to comfort those in mourning, to reward the industry of our 
people, to relieve them from heavy burdens, to make them safe in 
their persons and homes from all violence and oppression, and to 
give the protection of law to all conditions of men. To these ends 
let us pray that God will give wisdom to our rulers, purity to our 
legislators, uprightness and boldness to our judges, meekness and 
charity to our clergy, and virtue, intelligence, and godhness to our 
people. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto signed my name, and 
affixed the Privy Seal of the State, at the City of Albany, this first 
day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and sixty-four. 

By the aovernor. HORATIO SEYMOUK. 

D. WiLLERS, Jr., 

Private Secretary. • 

That appointing Thursday, I^Tovember 26, 1864, 
contained the following : — 

" Gratitude to God is best shown by mercy and charity to our 
fellow-men. I therefore exhort the citizens of this State to help 
tlie poor, relieve the sick, and to comfort those who are in affliction. 
Many living in our large towns are threatened with a want of labor, 
and the means to buy food and fuel, while the withdrawal of great 
numbers of able-bodied men from our State into our armies, leaves 
thousands of helpless persons without support. 

"I specially invoke the public to make contributions for the comfort 
and assistance of the families of those who are in the service of th& 
armijs and navies of our country." 



CHAPTEE XYII. 

PRISON DISCIPLINE. 

One of the most trying and perplexing duties de- 
■vt\Iving up.on the execntive of a great State like Kew 
York, grows out of the exercise of the pardoning 
power. 

In the several State prisons and penitentiaries of 
the State, many thousand convicts are constantly 
inc£j*cerated— under sentences ranging from three 
months to a lifetime. 

It becomes the painful duty of the Governor an- 
nually to examine and pass often nearly or quite one 
thousand applications for pardons or commutations 
of sentence. 

These applications are made at all hours, in season 
and out of season — by strong men, and by mothers, 
wives, and sisters. 

The following incident, related by an eye-witness, 
will suffice to give an idea of scenes daily enacted at 
the Executive Chamber : — 

" A few days ago, after a hard day's ride, I went in the evening to 
the Executive Chamber of the chief magistrate of the State. I 
found that I had been preceded by a woman and five young ciiildren. 
At a ghmce I saw tliat a pardon case was awaiting tlie arrival of tho 
Governor, who soon came in, greeted me in his usual bland manner, 
turned to the woman, and said : ' My good woman, you were here 
with your children last summer, and I then told you that I could do 
nothing to relieve your husband ; and future efforts on your pare 



142 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

•would prove fruitless. Should I pardon him, the doors of all the 
State prisons of the State might as well be opened and let every 
prisoner go forth.' 

*' The woman sobbed and prayed, that ' his Honor would relent, and 
put her liusband, as honest a man as ever lived, out of prison.' 

" The Governor, although much annoyed, remembering the case so 
well, and knowing the poverty of the family, asked the woman how 
she was enabled to travel so far with all her children. She re 
plied: — 

" ' Your Honor, I worked until I earned eight dollars.' 

" He said : ' My good woman, that small sum would hardly have 
brought you so far with all your children.' 

" 'Your Honor,' she said, 'I paid five dollars for myself, and the 
railroad men charged me nothing for the children; and I have three 
dollars left.' 

" 'Have your children eaten to-day?' 

" 'No, your Honor.' 

" The Governor then asked her how she expected to go back with 
only three dollars. 

" Touching the bell (for a different purpose than the one which one 
of his predecessors now uses it), he said to his messenger, after 
giving her some money : ' Take this woman with her children to my 
house ; see that they are well fed, and then take them to the cars.' 

" After the woman with her five children had left the room, he 
said : ' Judge, this is only one case among many ; do you wonder * 
that I begged our friends, last September, to give me rest.' 

" After a pleasant chat with him, I retired with the idea that the 
position of Governor of this State was no sinecure." 

During his first »term, Governor Seymour was 
struck with the defects of our criminal code, and the 
want of some principle in the management of oui 
prisons, which was calculated to reform their inmates. 
Pie found that our courts were forced in many cases 
Vy the letter of the law to impose unreasonable terms 
of punishment, which led to numerous applications 
for pardon. He was also satisfied that no criminal 
could be made a better man unless some inducement 
was held out which would encourage and strengthen 



PRISON DISCIPLINE. 143 

him in his efforts to overcome his evil propensities. 
He held that Hope was the great reformer. He, 
therefore, made exertions to introduce a new prin- 
cipal into our criminal code. Something had been 
done in that direction before, but the obscurity of 
the law made it a dead letter. He urged upon the 
Legislature as a measure of relief to the pardoning 
power and as a measure of mercj to the convict, 
that the latter should be allowed to shorten his term 
by his own good conduct. This would be attended 
by a double advantage. It would not only tend to 
make him conduct himself with propriety, but when 
he went out of prison with the proofs that his good be- 
havior had shortened his term, it would give him a 
sense of his own worth, which must be felt before he 
would have self-confidence to enter upon a course of 
virtue and of industry. This mode of ending his im- 
prisonment would also give to the world proof of his 
•reformation. By the provisions of this law, if the 
sentence is for two years, good conduct would strike 
off a month in each year ; if It was for a longer term, 
up to five years, it would strike off two months in 
each year ; if for a longer period than five years, up 
to ten years, it would strike out three months in 
each year ; for all terms beyond ten years, good con- 
duct would strike. out four months of imprisonment 
in each year. 

By this system of graduation hope was given to 
all. It is believed that this plan of rewards is the be- 
ginning of a reform in our prisons which will hold out 
every encouragement to their unfortunate inmates, 
while it will not interfere with that certainty of pun- 



IM HON. HORATIO SEYMOUJR. 

isliment so necessary to restrain vice. This measure 
has been hailed with satisfaction by those who have 
given thought to prison discipline ; but it was only 
by persistent and personal appeals that the governor 
was able to secure its adoption by the Legislature. 
Indeed, it was once rejected by one branch. All 
who have any thing to do with the management of 
our prisons testify to the great good which this 
method has wrought out. 

It has been charged as a matter of reproach to 
Governor Seymour that he called bad men his 
*' friends," but he has reason to feel a just pride in 
the fact that, in this matter, he has proved himself to 
be the true friend of the unfortunate and unhappy, 
although guilty inmates of our prisons. We warn the 
modern Fharisee that our Saviour was reproached 
with being the friend to publicans and sinners, and 
that He even saluted him as " friend" who came at 
the head of armed men to betray him to a cruel- 
death. 

During the past year, a convention to revise the 
State Constitution, which met at the city of Albany, 
and was composed of a decided majority of Kepub- 
licans, through one of its Standing Committees, so- 
licited the views of Governor Seymour upon the 
exercise of the pardoning power. He at once re- 
sponded to their call and appeared and was heard be- 
fore the Committee, who in their report referred at 
length to the experience and views of the Governor 
upon this branch of executive duty. 



CHAPTEE XYIU. 

PUBLIC FAITH. 

It is remarkable at this time, when financial ques- 
tions are so much discussed, and when the Democrats 
are charged with bad faith to the public creditors, 
that certain facts of history have been overlooked. 
When Government has agreed to pay in gold, the 
Democratic party has demanded payment in gold. 
"When bonds are payable in legal tender paper, pop- 
ularly called "greenbacks," they demand they shall 
be paid in legal tender notes, and they declare that 
the true interpretation of the contract is that when 
it does not provide that bonds shall be paid in coin, 
they ought, in justice, to be paid in lawful money 
of the United States. Many of the leading Republi- 
cans hold this to be the true construction. Their Con- 
vention passed an equivocal resolution on the subject, 
and their candidates can not be made to say what 
their views are. On the Democratic side there is 
frankness, on the Republican side there are evasions. 
The Republicans mean to cheat either the bond- 
holder or the tax-payer. Yet a clamor is raised that 
the Democrats are repudiators, while the only cases 
of direct, open violation of contracts to pay in coin 
are those made by Republican action, or by virtue 
of Republican laws. It is admitted that the legal 



146 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

tenders wliicli will be given in payment of tlie bonds 
are worth much more than the money given to the 
Government for these bonds when they were sold. 
When the bonds of JS^ew York, which were to be 
paid in gold, and for which the creditor had given 
gold, were due, the Republicans refused to pay even 
the interest in any thing but "greenbacks," which 
were then worth only forty cents on the dollar. Yet 
the specie borrowed of the creditors of the State 
was used to build canals which are paying great 
revenues to the treasury of Kew York. In vain 
Governor Seymour appealed to a Republican Legis- 
lature not to break the contract. Every Democrat 
voted to keep faith with the men who had loaned 
specie funds. Every Republican Senator voted in 
favor of rej^udiation. We give an extract from 
Governor Seymour's appeal : — 

" Principle and policy unite to urge the action I recommend to you. 
It is the only way in which the State can in truth fulfill its contracts. 
It is the only way in which the State can keep itself in a position to 
go into the market hereafter decently as a borrower. The State is 
even now in the market for money to pay its bounties and volunteers. 
The whole amount of the appropriation I urge upon you will be more 
than repaid in the fir^t negotiation the State may make, by the en- 
hanced price of its securities. Not only our future credit, but our im- 
mediate gain will be served by adhering now to the strictest letter of 
our contracts. The saving proposed by not paying in coin is small 
and temporary, while the dishonor is lasting, and the pecuniary loss 
consequent upon this dishonor will be in the end enormous. 

''Bad faith on the part of New York, the leading member of our 
confederacy, must inevitably weaken very greatly, if it do not destroy, 
the credit of our Government securities in foreign markets. Com- 
pared with the importance of this State's action in its effects upon 
the credit of the Government, the cost of paying our interest in 
coin is insignificant, 

''"Aside from all consideratious of interest or policy, our duty, in 



PUBLIC FAITH. 147 

my judgment, is plam ; it is to pay the debts of the State ; to pay 
them-in precisely the mode in which they were promised to bo paid ; 
to keep the honor of the State unsullied ; and to this plain duty 
we should be true, cost what it may. 

"HORATIO SEYMOUR." 

The refusal of the Eepublican members of the 
Legislature to respond to these appeals was the heav- 
iest blow given during the war to the credit of our 
country. In the end it cost both the State and 
nation a hundredfold more than the expense which 
would have been caused by the payment of the 
interest in specie. 

This act, which so dishonored 'New York, and 
sunk the credit of the country, is one of the chief 
causes of the vast sum of our national indebtedness. 
It is due to the Democratic members of the Legis- 
lature to state, that to a man they voted to 
uphold the policy urged by the Governor. So 
anxious was he to save the hitherto unstained 
honor of New York, that he made an appeal 
to the banks and to the capitalists of the State 
to step forward and furnish the specie, relying 
upon a returning sense of good faith to repay them 
for such advances. Some of these were willing to do 
their share ; but it is a sad proof of the selfishness 
and shortsightedness of the banks and capitalists of 
the commerciijtl emporium, that they turned a deaf 
ear to the appeals of Governor Seymour, and refused 
to uphold him in his efforts to check repudiation at 
the outset. 

We ean now see why it was that at one period of 
the war our bonds sold for forty cents on the dollar^ 



148 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

and had less credit in tlie markets of tlie world than 
those put forth by the Confederate States. 

There is not a Democrat in the United States who 
will not say that this was an indecent, dishonest act 
of repudiation, but it was never rebuked by a Re- 
publican paper or preacher. Again, if a man bor- 
rows coin of his neighbors to any amount, say 
$1,000, and gives the solemn promise to repay it in 
coin, a Republican Congress steps in and by its 
laws advises the debtor to cheat his creditor. It 
tells him he may force his creditor to take $1,000 in 
greenbacks, and thus give him $250 less in value 
than the debtor borrowed. How is it, in the face of 
such facts, and the fact that the Republican party 
has sunk the national credit below that of the Turk, 
that it is claimed that the national honor is only 
safe in their hands ? One year of an honest, econom- 
ical, Democratic administration would do more to 
build up the national credit and honor, than can 
ever be done by those who take the money collected' 
to pay the public creditor, and use it for partisan 
purposes and corrupt schemes. 



CHAPTEE XIX. . 

GOYERNOR SEYMOUR AND, THE WESTERN STATES. 

At an early day Governor Seymour became im- 
pressed with the importance of clierisliing the com- 
mercial relationship between New York and the 
great West. As Chairman of the Canal Committee 
in the Legislature, as early as 1844, he made a re- 
port urging the importance of building up the 
prosperity of the new States in the valley of the 
Mississippi. He at all times protested against that 
narrow policy that looked at the returns which our 
canals should give in the form of tolls, rather than 
at their influence in giving life to the commerce of 
our country, growth to our cities, markets for our 
mechanics, and activity to the internal carrying 
trade of the State. In his message to the Legisla- 
ture in 1863, he called public attention to the fact 
that the estimated tonnage on our canals, for the 
year 1862, was nearly five millions of tons, and that 
about eighty per cent, of the value of the canal 
freights moved from West to East. He added : — 

" These facts should induce us to give every possible facility to 
the vast and growing commerce of tlie Western States, mainly de- 
pendent upon them as we are for the immense through traffic which 
constitutes so large a share of our carrying trade, and forms a most 
important source of our commercial greatness, affording at the same 
time one of the many reasons for cultivating the most enduruig 
relationship with that soctioa." 



150 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

In his messa2:e of 1864, lie recurred to tliese sub- 
jects in these words : — 

" A deep interest is felt with regard to our commerce with the 
"Western States. Its growing value and the loss of our trade with 
the Southern States make us dependent for commercial prosperity 
upon that section of our country which sustains our domestic and 
foreign commerce, and whicli adds so largely to the imports and 
business prosperity of the city of New York, This State will be 
untrue to itself if it fails to control this great source of wealth by a 
vigorous and generous policy. Rather than suffer its diversion or 
depression, we should strike off all tolls upon Western produce. 

'*New York should exhibit that degree of interest in all measures 
designed to benefit the West which shall show our purpose to keep 
up the most intimate commercial relationship with that portion of 
our Union." 

As the cost of transportation was at that time a 
serious injury to the West, and as, at an early 
period in the war, produce brought only nominal 
prices, and at one time corn was actually used for 
fuel in Southern Illinois, he urged that such discrimi- 
nations should be made in favor of the West as 
would revive its industry.. But he urged in vain, for 
the Republican party controlled the Legislature of 
the State. lie has devoted much time and effort in 
favor of water communications between the Missis- 
sippi River and the Lakes, which would not only 
cheapen transportation, but, as they would be open 
to the use of all, would regulate the prices of rail- 
road transportation for the Western States, as the 
Erie canal checks unreasonable charges within the 
limits of the State of New York. 

When our present National Banking Law was 
established, and a bill was passed through the Legis- 
lature of New York allowing its banks to organize 



THE WESTEKN STATES. 151 

under its provisions, lie refused to sign the bill. He 
witlilield his assent not onlj because he saw that the 
system involved a great loss of interest to the people 
of the country, but that it was doing a flagrant 
wrong to the Western States. The scheme limited 
tlie amount of bank circulation to three hundred 
millions of dollars. Those who had money were 
allowed to come in and take up these privileges 
without regard to the rights, or wants of the coun- 
try at large. The privileges thus granted were of 
great value, and were completely sectionalized. 
The country was not only divided by our bonds into 
debtor and creditor States, but the entire con- 
trol of bank currency was given to those States 
which made money out of the war, and which had 
been enriched by profitable contracts. The Western 
States were not then in a condition to enter into the 
struggle for their share of this banking privilege, 
and they are now, by its limitations, cut off from its 
benefits. Governor Seymour felt, that what was 
injurious to the West was injurious to the great in- 
terests of trade and commerce. He foresaw that 
this system would fasten upon the West rates of 
interest which, beyond even the enormous taxation 
of Government, would paralyze its industry ; and 
that a system which would prove so baleful could 
not be lasting. The States which hold an undue 
share of this currency need but little of it in their 
business affairs. Manufacturing and commercial 
communities have less need for the use of currency 
than agricultural States, as they conduct their busi- 
ness, to a large degree, by means of bank checks 



152 HON. nOKATIO SETMOTIK. 

and bank credits. But to buy the wlieat and tbe 
corn of the great ]S'orthwestern States, currency is 
essential. ISTo State in the Union needs as much as 
the State of Illinois, and yet, in common with the other 
Western States, it has but a trifling amount. This is 
not merely a matter of inconvenience, but it is also 
an enormous tax. When currency is wanted to buy 
up the wheat and com, and other products of the West, 
Western bankers are obliged to come to the Eastern 
States to borrow bank bills wdiich have been given to 
these Eastern States by the Government, in excess of 
their business wants. The Western banker has to pay 
an interest for the use of these bills, and thus he is 
compelled to charge the produce-buyer two interests : 
one for himself, and the other for the Eastern banker. 
While the commercial paper of the Western cities, 
for its purposes, its short dates, its places of pay- 
ment at the East, and the security given by a bill of 
sale of the property that is sent forward, is made 
the best commercial paper of the country, it is 
charged with enormous discounts, ranging from 
eight to twelve per cent. — the like paper in the 
Eastern States would be discounted for five or six 
per cent. All of this, as well as the other costs of 
purchase and of transportation, is taken out of the 
pockets of the farmers of the West. The West com- 
plains of the want of currency : but it will be seen 
that the great difficulty is that the Government gave 
the share of currency due the West to a few of the 
Eastern States. ' 

Foreseeing this wrong. Gov. Seymour did wliat he 
could to prevent the establishment of the system, 



THE WESTERN STATES. 



153 



and he refused to remain a director of a bank with 
which he had been connected nearly thirty years, 
when it was reorganized uader the national banking 
law. And while he has at all times firmly upheld 
the public faith, he has never allowed himself to he 
the ovjner of a single Government hond, for the rea- 
son that they were issued under a financial system 
which he opposed from the outset, and which he de- 
nounced as unwise and dangerous, as it was dividmg 
our Union into debtor and creditor States, and en- 
gendered sectional controversies which were perilous 
to the peace of our country. He has always care- 
fully abstained from any investment under a policy 
which he could not approve. While Gov. Seymour 
never had an interest in Government bonds, and 
while his property consists of real estate, a largo 
share of which lies in the West, he has ever been so 
firm an advocate of the National faith, that the 
public was led to suppose that he was interested in 
Government securities. This, as has been explained, 
is untrue ; he has no other interest in them than 
that of a tax-payer, no anxiety about them save that 
which springs from his desire to maintain the honor 
of our Government, the interests of the laborer, and 

the welfare of all classes Of society. 
7* 



CHAPTER XX. 

GOT. SEYMOUR AND THE INTERESTS OF LABOR. 

Gov. Seymour has always shown an active interest 
in favor of the mechanical, industrial, and laboring 
classes. He did what he could in the town where he 
lived to cherish all kinds of industry, by the erection 
of buildings, and by aiding its various enterprises. 
He was one of the first members of the Mechanics' 
Association of the city of Utica, and tried to give 
interest to its fairs and its system of lectures. His 
sympathy with the wants and interests of onr 
mechanics and laborers gave him his strength with 
that class, as well as with the mass of the farmers of 
the State. 

It was his deep feeiing m behalf of labor that 
prompted him, in the face of the most violent de- 
nunciation, to take his stand against the waste and 
corruption of the administration. He pointed out 
where, in the end, the whole weight of taxation 
would rest. Years ago, he warned the people of this 
country that the policy of hate, of military despotism, 
and of political meddling would come home to our 
citizens, and that they would find the dosts in the 
tax-gatherer's bill. He analyzed the cost of living to 
those who work for the support of themselves or 
their families. He showed that six hours of toil 



THE INTERESia OF LABOK. 155 

would give a man more than lie now gains by ten, 
if it was not for the taxation which, in its endless 
forms, direct and indirect, swells iip the cost of all 
he buys. He clearly proved that one houi' of toil 
ought to pay a laborer's share of the cost of good gov- 
ernment — that another hour was his full share toward 
the payment of the national debt — that the time which 
he was forced to labor, beyond eight hours, measured 
the waste and corruptions of government. He told 
of the swarms of idle and useless officials who are 
clothed and fed by his exertions. He pointed out 
the mockery of declaring that eight hours made a 
legal day's labor, if, at the same time. Congress piled 
up a load of taxation that forced him to work ten 
hours or starve ; that this whole question of the 
labor movement resolved itself into a question of 
taxation ; that to-day the tax-gatherer was the task- 
master; that men should see that if, beyond feed- 
ing and clothing themselves and their families, 
they had to feed and clothe great armies of armed 
men, and still greater and more voracious armies 
of hungry officials, that the laborer must toil on, for 
these armies must be fed and clothed before him- 
self or his family. The cost of this would be found 
in the price of the flour, meat, tea, sugar which he 
consumed, and of the clothing which he wore. 



CHAPTER XXL 

THE ELECTION OF 1864. 

Mr. Seymotjr was averse to be nominated for tlie 
oflSce of Governor in 1864. He only yielded a par- 
tial assent to this act when it was urged that his 
refusal to run might be looked upon as showing a 
lack of confidence in the strength of General Mc- 
Clellan as a candidate. He had not favored the 
general at the Chicago convention, although he held 
him in the highest regard. Their relationships were 
of the most confidential and friendly character, but 
he thought the day had not come when the general's 
conduct and claims would be fairly considered, and 
that he ought not to be damaged by a premature 
trial. For these reasons he was embarrassed in 
making a direct refusal of a nomination which was 
unanimously tendered to him. Being thus placed 
npon the ticket, he was forced to make great sacri- 
fices of time and exertions in a way not only injurious 
to his health and comfort, but in one that imperiled 
his liberty. He went forth in the face of the fact 
that his agents were locked up in prison ; that he 
was threatened with arrest, and that an army was 
^.ent to keep by terror the voters from the polls of 
the city of New York. The fact that this armed 
force was commanded by General Butler was deemed 



THE ELECTION OF 1SG4:. 157 

proof that the property as well as the political rights 
of the people of the State of New York was in 
danger. The Governor at once issued a proclama- 
tion, assnring the voters that they should be protected 
if need be, by the armed power of the State. The 
city of New York, gave an enormous majority in 
favor of the Democratic ticket, and the unlucky 
general was forced to withdraw discomfited in his 
political efibrts, and shorn of any spoils of victory. 
Although every appeal was made to the passions and 
prejudices of the soldiers, a majority of those from 
New York voted in favor of the Democratic nominees. 
While they were robbed of their votes by officials 
and at the post-offices throughout the States, yet the 
Democrats would have carried the State of New 
York had there been a sufficient number of voting 
places to enable all to deposit their ballots. Let 
those who think that gross and shameless abuse will 
harm the character of a nominee, compare the vote 
given to Governor Seymour in 1862, when he was 
elected, with that given in 1864, when he was de- 
clared defeated, and they will find that under all 
this storm of detraction and falsehood he gained 
54,615 voters over those which were given him in 
1862. His vote was 200,000 more than in 1854, when 
he came within 309 votes of an election, and nearly 
100,000 more votes than in 1852, when he was 
elected by 22,000 majority. His vote in 1864 was 
much larger than that cast for any democratic can- 
didate at any prior election. 

The ceremony of the retirement of Governor Sey- 
mour, and the inauguration of Governor Fenton, 



158 HON. HOEATIO SEYMOUR. 

took place in the Assembly Chamber, at 12 M., 
Monday, January 2d. The chamber was crowded 
by members of the Legislature, citizens and strangers. 
Governor Seymour, as is usual, made a short address. 
He invoked the consideration of the people of the 
State for the incoming executive in the performance 
of onerous duties. He remarked : — 

" The present war has added to these duties, until the positiou of 
Chief Magistrate of this State calls for every energy of body and of 
mind. Within the past four years, New York has sent nearly 440,000 
men to the armies and navies of the country. More than 30,000 
military commissions have been given out by the Executive Depart- 
.ment during the same period." 

He then addressed Governor Fenton. The follow- 
ing is an extract from his remarks : — 

" To you, sir, who now enter upon the duties of Chief Magistrate 
of this great State, I tender my sincere wishes for your successful 
administration. You and I look upon public affairs from different 
stand-points, and we have held conflicting views and reached differ- 
ent conclusions with regard to the methods by which our country 
can best be saved from the perils which overhang it, but none the 
less, sir, have you my best vrishes for your personal welfare and 
success in all the affairs of public and private life. In these days 
when we are called upon to confront problems so great, so vital, and 
so far-reaching in their effects, he who does not speak out his honest 
convictions lacks manhood, and he who can not treat with respect and 
forbearance the convictions of others lacks sense and patriotism. It is a 
source of pleasure to me that during the sharp political conflicts of 
the day, and the distinct antagonisms of our parties, our relation 
ships have been those of friendly courtesy," 

Governor Seymour's relations with the executive 
officers of other States, and with his predecessors, 
successors, and opponents in his own State, have always 
been very cordial. In the contest against Governor 
Fenton, certain criminal proceedings were brought to 



THE ELECTION OF 1864:. 159 

light in tlie records in the Albany courts, but 
Governor Seymour objected to their use in the cam- 
paign, and so far as they have been published, it has 
been done by Governor JFenton's enemies in his own 
party. 

On May 10, 1864, Governor Seymour issued a 
general order of condolence and respect on the death 
of General James S. Wadsworth, who had been the 
opposing candidate in the contest of '62 ; speaking of 
him as " from the outset an ardent supporter of the 
war, to whom belongs the merit of freely periling 
his own person in upholding the opinions which he 
vindicated." 



CHAPTER XXII. 

GOTERNOR SEYMOUR'S COOPER INSTITUTE SPEECH OF 

1866. 

In October, 1866, Governor Seymour spoke at 
"New York on the questions which now agitate the 
public mind. We give the following extracts from 
his remarks, made at the Cooper Institute in that 
year, as they could not have in view the action of 
the National Convention in 1868. He showed 
the failure of the Republicans to keep the promises 
made in the election of 1861: : — 

"In tlie electiou of 1864 we were told that the war which then 
raged in our land must be settled by force of arms ; that when armed 
rebellion was put down our Union would be restored; that fraternal 
relationship between the North and South would be firmly based on 
mutual respect, wrought out on the battle-field, where both parties 
had shown courage worthy of the American name. 

"We urged that oar soldiers had won victories that enabled 
statesmanship to put an end to the contest that was filling our land 
with mourning, and loading down our industry with debt and taxa- 
tion. That prolonged war made new questions, and that it was un- 
safe to leave the fruits of triumph ungathered. 

" In answer it was said that the sword would soonest hew out the 
road to peace, to union, and concord ; that Grant and Sherman were 
the only negotiators they would trust. When they had done their 
work there would be no questions left to perplex the public mind. 
We then warned the people that when every Southern army was 
driven from the field, and resistance was given up, it would be found 
tli.'it obstacles would be put ia the way of the return of the Southern 
States to their duties. But the people trusted those who aaid force 
alone s'.iou'd be used. 



COOPER INSTITUTE SPEPXH OF 1SC6. 161 

"It is nearly two years siyce the surronder of the Southern 
armies. Within that time an European statesman has waged a 
victorious war against greater numbers, has built up a iiatiou from 
scattered and jarring principalities, and has settled perplexing prob- 
lems that disturbed the peace of Europe, And this was done by 
vigor and use of statesmanship within a period of six months. 
Nearly six years have rolled away since this Government began the 
work of putting down resistance to its authority on the part of a 
minority of the American people, and yet we are vexed to-day with 
more doubts and difficulties than at any otlier period since the war 
broke out. 

"During the four years of active warfare, it was the policy of those 
who wished to throw off from themselves the disgrace of unfitness 
and imbecility, to say that it was simply a miUtary problem, and 
thus to cast upon our armies the discredit of a lingering, indecisive 
struggle between forces so unequal. This was unjust and untrue. 
Tiie historian will tell of victories won by heroic valor which would 
have ended the contest, if there had been an honest purpose on the 
part of those who controlled the" administrative and legislative 
departments of government. But the Southern armies were crushed 
out two years ago. No longer can those who wield power shield 
themselves by throwing upon the soldiers the discredit of wur dis- 
organized condition. 

"What has been done since our final victory to unite oui people, 
to bind the States together by bonds of common interest, of t aternal 
regard, and by measures of wise statesmanship? Nothing, worse 
than nothing. We have drifted farther than ever from a restored 
Union. Two years ago we were battling to bring back tseceded 
States to their duties ; to-day we are haggling over terms of reunion ; 
and the interests of party and not the safety of the Republic directs 
the political action. At the end of the battle the people of the 
North were in favor of a generous use of their victories, and the 
South was ready to accept results and return to their duties. But 
now all is changed. Men in power find tlieir advantage in discord ; 
hatred of the South is taught by the press, by a class of men in the 
pulpit whose vindictive piety was never drawn from our Saviour's 
teachings ; by public speakers and by pictorial papers, they strive to 
Btir up malignant passions. The questions growing out of this 
state of affairs have been discussed mainly with regard to their 
effects upon the rights, duties, and conditions of the South. 

"I ask you now to look at the perils they cause to the riguts, the 
interests, and well-being of the North. The people of the Sout^ 



162 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

were divided during the war. Some opposed the rebellion; some 
were hurried into it without thought, and were glad when it was 
over; all yielded to the result. Thej are now settling down into 
tlie belief that we are their unrelenting foes, that there can be no 
hearty Union. Unless there is a change of policy, in a little while 
they will accept the theory that they are a conquered people, with 
the rights as well as the liabilities of that condition. A military 
government will be forced upon us by making a military government 
necessary for their subjection. They will have every thing to gain 
and nothing to lose by revolutions. "We have more to fear from the 
South if it accepts the doctrine of subjugation than we ever had to 
fear from its armed rebellion ; we can not enslave them without en- 
slaving ourselves. We can not have a government whose northern 
face shall smile devotion to the popular will, and whose southern 
aspect shall frown contempt, defiance, and hate to the people of 
eleven States. 

"The Sbuth has comparatively little to fear from misgovernment ; 
its lands already have been laid waste ; its system of labor broken 
up ; its homes impoverished ; and its families thinned by the sword. 
It has seen and felt the worst. To-day the power of Great Britain 
is paralyzed by its harsh, unjust, and contemptuous treatment of 
Ireland. We are taught that if a people are to be treated as out- 
laws, they can bide their time ; they can wait for domestic strife or 
foreign invasion. It is not wise or safe to trample upon those who 
for years, v/'ith desperate courage, held their ground against the mil- 
lions we sent to the field, and the thousands of millions of treasure 
we spent in the contest — a contest which filled our homes with 
mourning, loaded us down with debt and taxation, and wrought 
great and lasting changes in the policy, the maxims, and structure 
of our Government, A wise settlement of pending questions will 
do much to build up the prosperity of the South; an unwise policy 
will do more to break down the wealth and prosperity of the North." 

He also set fortli the curses brought upon the labor- 
ing man bj constant interference with the affairs of 
the South, and the consequent increase of taxation ; 

"The wisdom of Solomon has admonished the world that 'a wise 
man seeks peace, but a fool will be meddling.' I approve the pui- 
poses of President Johnson, because he seeks peace and concord, i 



COOPER INSTITUTE SPEECH OF 1866. 163 

oppose the policy of Congress, because it is one that is meddling 
and dangerous. 

"I shall show why the policy of meddling and strife is hurtful to 
tlie capital, the labor, and the home-rights of the people of the 
North. The'debt of the Government is about $3,000,000,000. 

*' The chief peril to the public faith is the wastefulness of Govern- 
ment, growing out of the violence of factions. Until the Union is 
saved, the cost of armies and of hordes of oflBcers must be kept up. 
Beyond the direct cost of an honest and careful use of public money 
for these purposes, there is the danger from the growing corruption 
which always festers, when far-off States are put under the control 
of agents with unusual and undefined powers, meddling not only 
with public concerns, but private business and family affairs. These 
agents, mostly adventurers and men unknown to the people, and be- 
yond the reach of the eye of those who pay the cost of keeping 
them, are tempted by love of power — lust for money — to act cor- 
ruptly. This form of government for the South, at once base and 
debasing, lives only by keeping up the passions and hates of the 
people of this country. It is an ingenious and costly plan to keep 
the country in disorder; to unsettle all ideas of law, justice, and 
rights of persons and property. It is teaching the people of the 
North that power may rightfully do its will, trampling upon all the 
written laws and unwritten maxims which have heretofore governed 
our country and guarded the public faith, the personal safety, and 
the home-rights of our people. 

"The meddling and disorganizing policy of Congress, if carried 
out, will be hurtful to the working men of the North. It calls for 
large armies. If the South is to be held in subjection until, in the 
language of Mr. Phillips, it gravitates toward the ideas of Massachu- 
setts, at least one hundre(^ thousand men must be kept in arms, at a 
cost of more than one hundred millions each year. The South will 
have the benefit of the money thus spent, and in time may look with 
as much satisfaction upon the arrival of troops as is shown by our 
Canadian friends when regiments are quartered in their towns. 
Great armies are to be kept up by Congressional legislation — the 
usual evils will follow. 

"Our general and State Governments are fast getting to be corrupt 
and wasteful. The cost of them must be borne by labor. Govern- 
ment bonds pay no taxes ; the disorganized South, instead of helping 
to bear these burdens, will add to their weight. . 

" Meetings are now held in all parts of our country to shorten tho 



1G4 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUK. 

hours of toil. Ifen claim they should havo more time for rest and 
mental culture. All agree that this is right; all promise to support 
them in their movement, Republicans and Democrats alike. But 
promises are cheap, and sympathy is of little value if it stops with 
the mere sentiment. I ask the workingmen to think -of this. You 
must pay your taxes, and you must work to do so. It matters not 
if these taxes are paid into the hands of the tax-gatherers, or to tho 
merchant, who puts them into the price you pay for his goods, of 
course. If you could buy your food, fuel, clothes, and other neces- 
saries and comforts ot life at the cost of production, adding a reason- 
able profit, free from the taxation which enter into prices at this 
time, you could live with your present wages by laboring four hours 
each day. 

" Taxation in its varied forms more than doubles the cost of life in 
this country. Each man in the ihop and field works a part of the 
day for himself and family, and part of the day to meet the cost of 
Government. 

" Taxation means toil. And more taxation means more hours of 
toil. 

*'The Congressional policy of hate, of discord, of meddling, of 
large armies, and of corrupt patronage, will lengthen out your hours 
of labor — for you must pay for these things. 

"In a little time you will feel that the questions of the day do not 
merely concern the South. They are agitated at your cost, and you 
will find them all in the tax-gatherer's bill. You will then learn that 
the number of hours you are to work is not a question between you 
and your employers, but between you and the tax-gatherer." 

He also showed at that early day that the Western 
States were suffering from a want of currency, 
because their share of banking capital and of bank 
notes had been given to a few of the Eastern 
States. 

"Another evU to the North growing out of the system of firing the 
minds of our people with hatred of the South, is that public attention 
is turned away from great questions of our financial policy which 
concern every class of our citizens. All admit that our inflated cur- 
rency and its shifting value is a cause of business confusion, of wild 
speculation, and of demoralizing waste and extravagance. We have 
reason to fear these evils will grow until they bring us to financial 
ruin. 



COOPER mSTITUTE SPEECH OF 1866. 165 

"Not only is the public debt, which pajs nothing to support Govern- 
ment, held mainly in one corner of our country, but the banks, which 
have a right to make the currency for all the States, are placed and 
owned in a la-rge degree by the Eastern and Middle States. Not 
only our debt, but our currency is sectionalized. In the report of 
the Secretary of the Treasury on this subject, made last session to 
Congress, it was shouTi that of the national bank notes then issued, 
Massachusetts had $52 for every person within her borders; Con- 
necticut, $42; and Rhode Island, $77 ; while in the great commer- 
cial States of the West, Ohio, Illinois, "Wisconsin and Michigan, the 
proportion is in Ohio only $8 per head; in Illinois, $6; in Michigan, 
$3 ; and in Wisconsin, $3 per head of the population. So that 
whatever profits are made out of bank circulation, by far the largest 
proportion thereof goes to these three New England States. The 
number and wealth of the people of the great States thus left with 
little or no means of getting currency except as borrowed from more 
favored sootions, makes this a glaring evil. As they grow in com- 
merce, wealth, and power, they will demand, with a strong show of 
reason, that they shall be put upon an equal footing with the Northern 
section of the Union.' 

More than two yeurs ago it was seen that the baser 
men of the JRepublican party were getting control 
of its organization, and that it was no longer under 
the lead of its ablest minds. Since that time those 
who cherish any regard for decency, justice, political 
or personal rights, have been driven from its ranks, 
or forced to yield in blind obedience to the clamors 
and passions of the unthinking or unscrupulous. 
Governor Seymour, in common with all patriotic 
men, regretted this demoralization of a great party. 
He then said : — • 

"Let us look at the moral evils which this gospel of hate has brought 
upon all forms of public action in party, church or literature. I do 
not speak now of the abuse and untruth uttered against us. We 
hav^e learned to bear those unmoved, and to go on unawerved in those 
pathways which we think lead to the right ends. The day of our 
triumph will be when truth triumphs, and that day will surely come. 



166 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

I speak of the sad spectacle which we have seen in the discomfiture 
of those who built up the party of bigotry and hate, and who are 
now the very victims of the passion they have stirred up. but which 
they cannot quiet. Each of the men of mind who have led in the 
revolution which has changed the whole aspect of our country, has 
tried to check its violence or to direct his course into better chan- 
nels: and each has been trampled down as ruthlessly as a herd of 
maddened buffaloes tread out the lives of their leaders if they stop in 
their speed or . swerve from their course. Each of these men of 
brains, who thought they were guiding events, have had to pick 
themselves out of the dust into which they were tumbled because 
they dared to speak out an honest opinion which did not chime with 
the coarse passions and narrow views of the mass of their party. 
The rough-hewn, vigorous editor of the Tribune, who, beyond other 
men, had pushed on the political fight against the South until he 
may partly claim to have done most of all to kindle the flames of 
civil war, saw, in his bloody course, that wise statesmanship could 
save the Union and stop the waste of life and treasure. He made the 
attempt, and the wild herd behind him trod him down. An elo- 
quent clergyman, who prided himself upon boldness and daring, felt 
that he owed something to religion as well as to party ; he tried to 
teach men that as our Saviour came to save us while we were in open 
rebellion to Divine authority, we who prayed each night God's for- 
giveness of our daily sin, should at least have pity upon our brethren 
who had laid down their arms ; but the bellowing crowds drowned 
the words of charity, and the frightened divine dare not to-day 
preach words of love and peace from our Saviour's Sermon on the 
Mount. The poets and philosophers, whose journal is read by the 
educated and thinking portion of society, once ventured to say that 
Congress was corrupt, its legislation destructive to the interests of 
the country, that its tariff suppressed honest industry, and filled with 
dishonest gains the pockets of speculators and swindlers ; but they 
never dared to face the threatening crowd. They know that the 
Southern States are kept out of the Union because, as agricultural 
States, they would be represented by those who would act for the 
interest of commerce here, and for the interests of agriculture in the 
Northwest. There was meaning in Mr. Wendell Phillips's statement 
in this hall, when he said South Carolina would have representation 
in Congress when it acted in accord with Massachusetts. Another 
editor, who trusted in his dexterity to ride upon many animals at 
once, tried to turn the brutal throng by the bait of an office, and he 
has been so tosaed upon their horns that neither he uor we can tell 



COOPER INSTITUTE SPEECH OF 1S66. 167 

upon wliat spot he will fall. I might speak of others as well as 
these, who have learned the humiliuting truth that their abilities 
govern less than the blind rage and stentorian lungs of men they 
despise in their hearts, and that they only keep their leadership by 
outrunning in an ignorant race brutal and stupid bigots. While 
I feel no friendship for these men, and while they think ill of me, I 
know they are men of ability ; and it is a public evil when those 
most fitted to guide a great party become the mere slaves of the 
meaner passions of their associates. 

"The public safety is endangered when the ablest men of a govern- 
ing party dare not speak out their honest thoughts or act out their 
clear convictions. But there are republicans who admit that Con- 
gress is too violent; that it is dangerous to leave open the great break 
in the circle of our national imity, and who see that there is a class 
of men who make their zeal and fanaticism pay by stealthily and 
steadily fastening upon the country a system of taxation which will 
enrich them at the cost of the general welfare. 

" I do not say nor believe that the body of the repubHcans want 
violence or discord ; but the violent of all party govern in the end. 
A party which is unchecked in its power loses control of its own 
action. The vigorous, excited minority within its own ranks, by the 
machinery of organization, governs the larger number, as was done 
in the last Congress. In every instance those in power have from 
year to year gone beyond their own purpose, because there has 
not been enough opposing force to keep them within the bounds 
which their own sober judgment feels to be right." 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE SPEECH OF THE CONTENTION OP 186Y. 

When the Democratic Convention of the State 
of New York was held in 1867, Governor Seymour 
was called to the Chair as the permanent Presi- 
dent. The Convention was exceedingly enthusi- 
astic, and nominated the ticket headed by Homer J. 
JS^elson, for Secretary of State. Under the principles 
which were marked out in the speech of Gov. Sey- 
mour on that occasion, the party went into the 
contest, and carried the State by nearly fifty thou- 
sand majority. 

At the afternoon session of the Convention, Mr. 
Smith M. Weed, from the Committee on Permanent 
Organization, reported the name of Gov. Seymour 
for President, and, amid rounds of cheers, Messrs. 
Danforth, of Schoharie, and DeWitt, of Ulster, 
escorted him to the Chair. He spoke as follows : — 

^^ Gentlemen of the Convention: — 

" We are startled by the cry of the leaders of the party holding 
political power that our country is in great peril. After wading 
through the bloodshed of civil war that peace which we hailed with 
joy, and which they told us was to give strength and prosperity to 
oilr land, brings new danger to the Republic. We can not, if we 
would, escape from confronting the problems of the day. Neither 
safety, honor, nor patriotism will suffer us to stand dumb or inact- 
ive in the dark hour of danger. We have put down rebellion, we 



SPEECH OF THE CONVENTION OF ISGT. 169 

are now. struggling with revolution. The first was sectional ; the 
last is universal. The first sought to divide our country; the last 
threatens to destroy it. 

." At the National Capital we see that the party that placed in power 
the present Chief Magistrate, now charges him with treason, and 
many of its leaders have instilled into the public mind the horrible 
suspicion that he was in league with the murderers who struck 
down the life that stood between him and the Executive Chair. The 
world is aghast while it hoars so foul an accusation uttered in the 
halls of the Legislature without rebuke. In the House of Repre- 
sentatives members make against each other charges of judicial 
murder, robbery, theft, and corruption. A military member alleges 
his legal associate plotted the death and carried to the gallows an 
innocent woman for partisan purposes. The accuser is cl>arged in 
return with the fact of going to the war a poor man and coming back 
a poor general and a rich man ; laden, not with the spoils of vic- 
tory, but plunder stolen from those placed under his protection. The 
Congressman who stands up as the accuser of the Prosidoiit is con- 
fronted by his own letter, sliowing his utter rottenness. "We are 
saved from the hateful task of laying bare the frauds and crimes of 
those who are administering our G-overnment. Grod's law for punish- 
ing the guilty makes them become mutual accusers. In the hate 
and rage which ever springs up among criminals all are anxious to 
turn upon and convict their fellows. 

" While the Senate has done less to shock the world and bring our 
Government into contempt, it has been the forum where prmciples 
have been asserted and a policy pursued revolutionary in tendency, 
and far-reaching in their influences to keep alive disorder and political 
convulsions. In its blindness it is striking suicidal blows against its 
own existence. Its members have become the ruling power in our 
Government. Tested with equal rights of law-making with the 
popular branch, they can also decide upon all treaties, which, within 
their scope, rise above the statutes. They control the appointing 
power; for the vast patronage of Government can only be exercised 
with their consent. They can, as a judicial body, depose the Presi- 
dent or Vice-President, elected by the people, and put one of their 
own members into the Executive Chair. They hold their places by 
terms longer than those of any other elective branch of Government, 
yet they do not in the nature of their organization represent the 
people in form or fact. They are chosen by Legislatures not by the 
people. States having, by the census of 1860, less than one-quarter 
of the poi)u!atiou of our countrj^, appoint a majoritj'^ of its members. 
8 



170 H0:N'. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

Nine States, whose citizens are more than one half of this people, 
are represented by only one-fourth of its members. Thus made up, 
and wielding a power over-topping that of all other branches^ they 
should pause and ponder well before opening the flood-gates of rev- 
olution. Yet, if these members sought to have the Senate rubbed 
out of the constitutional scheme, they could not do ac^ more hateful- 
to the people, or give reasons more powerful for its overthrow than 
their own teaching with regard to the rights of impartial suffrage, 
and by their action in the face of their teachings. 

" But a bolder act is in view unless this dangerous game to get 
power over the majority by a rotten borough system is stopped. 
Twenty Senators are to be admitted from ten States lately in rebel- 
lion, not as representatives of the white people, for they are disfran- 
chised ; not of the blacks, for it is indecent to claim that a race who 
are declared by Congress to be unable to take care of themselves, 
and are placed under the guardianship of the Freedmen's Bureau, 
and military chiefs, would, as a body, know of the existence of such * 
representatives — but thoy are to be admitted because they hold the 
views of the majority of the Senators, and because they are sent to 
Washington — by their agents. These Senators mean to be their own 
constituents, to become a close corporation, and to have more repre- 
sentatives of their own selection than the majority of the people 
of the country living in nine States. About sixty Republican Sena- 
tors will, beyond their own votes, have in the twenty members sent 
by the Freedmen's Bureau, more representatives than sixteen millions 
of American people living in New York, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, 
Tennessee, Illinois, Indiana, "Wisconsin, Ohio, and Missouri. Not 
content with holding in subjection the people of the South, they 
mean to extend in the name of the negro their domination over the 
North and South ahke. It would seem that this madness was 
enough to make their destruction sure. But after acts like these they 
solemnly declare they are in favor of what they call manhood suf- 
frage. Be it so, but with it must go manhood representation. Man- 
hood suffrage must not be used to destroy the right of the majority 
of the people of this country. If it is the natural right of a negro 
in Florida to have a vote, it is not his right to have it count forty- 
fold, in the Senate of the United States, tliat of a man in New York. 
If it is the natural right of a man in New York to have a vote, it is also 
his natural right to have it count as much in the controUing branch 
of the Government as that of a man in Rhode Island. If this revolu- 
tion is begun it must go on to its logical, just end. It must not roll 
on the necks of the majority of the American people and stop there 



SPEECH OF THE CONVENTION OF 1867. 171 

but numbers must be represented, not rotten boroughs or sham 
States. We implore Senators not to begin revolution. Be content 
with jour vast powers. Your organization is at war with impartial 
suffrage and impartial representation. If you continue your usurpa- 
tion the country may not bo content with driving you hack within 
constitutional limits. It may go farther, and acting upon doctrines 
you assert it may crush you out and make another Souate based in 
truth upon manhood suffrage. Tlie country needs peace, but if you 
will have revolution it can not stop at any chalk-lines you may mark 
out. The nine States, with a majority of the people, all of which are 
now virtually disfranchised in your body, for they are controlled by 
the representatives of a quarter of our population, if our Govern- 
ment is to be reshaped, will have th3ir full rights. They are not 
suffering merely from theoretical wrongs. The destruction, of the 
carrying trade of New York and the over-taxation of the Nor^thwest, 
show how unequal distribution of power makes unequal burdens. 
During the war of .the rebellion we felt the exertion of the Sena- 
torial power upon the weak-head of the Enrolling Bureau in fixing the 
quotas of States. While their purposes were to save their own con- 
stituents from tlie sacrifices of war; by so doing they threw upon 
other States the cost of life and blood. In New York this grew into 
abuses so flagrant that even partisan passions could not be blind to 
the outrages. But the Northwestern States suffered the most severely 
from this injustice. I have the official proof that while the average 
quotas in the Congressional Districts of Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire were 2,167, 

In Illinois they were 4,004 

In Indiana they were. 3,248 

In Wisconsin they were 3, 172 

In Michigan they were 3,047 

' We ask the people of New England if it is not time for them to 
Stop the stupid malice of their Senators ; to put a stop to the teach- 
ing that New England Senatorial power is in violation of natural 
rights. We suffer in New York by the present constitutional law, 
but we seek peace. We wish to uphold the constitutional powers of 
all the States. We remember the glorious part they bore in tlio 
revolutionary contest. If time has changed their comparative popu- 
lation, we do not wish to strip them of any political power. We im- 
plore them not to teach doctrines whicli must, in their ends be de- 
structive to them and hurtful to the peace of th^ country. 

"But I will pass by the question growiug out of administrative 
crimes and follies, to speak of that which is uppermost in men's 



172 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

minds, our financial condition. Upon tliis we should be outspoken 
and true. It burdens and harasses labor. It hinders and perplexes 
business. It carries taxation and curse into every home. We owe a 
vast debt, made by the consent of the people of this country. In 
the details of heaping it up, there was much of fraud and more of 
folly. But at the time and since its creation, the citizens of the 
United States have in their elections approved of these acts of their 
representatives. The fabric of our Government has been already 
fearfully shaken by the violation of personal and political rights ; 
we must not add repudiation to the list of crimes which destroy confi- 
dence in Republican Governments. The first step to uphold the pub- 
lic faith, is to put forth an honest statement of our affairs. The 
credit of our Government is lower in the markets of the world than 
that of an}'' Christian nation in Europe. It has sunk to the level of 
that of .the Turk, the "sick man of the East." When you look at 
the list of prices of national stocks, you will find that our bonds, 
taking into account the great interest we pay, are selling for about 
half the price given for those of Great Britain. When we lay them 
side by side upon the' counter of the capitalist, he takes the British 
bond at a rate which will give him back in the course of twenty 
years, only $1,700, while we pay him $2,700 during the same time. 
That is to say, when the United States borrows $1,000 in gold, it 
pays the lender principal and interest in twenty years $2,700 ; Eng^ 
laud pays only $1,700. When we borrow $1,000,000 we pay on a 
twenty year loan $2,700,000; England pays only $1,700,000. But 
leaving the markets of the world, and coming to our own shores, wo 
find our citizens will not trust our Government upon the same terms 
which they give to their neighbors. 

" The bonds of the United States pay an interest to those who buy 
them of about eight per cent. They also give an exemption from 
taxation, worth one or two per cent. more. Yet men eagerly seek 
safe securities whicli, with the drawback of taxation, pay about half , 
the interest given by our Government. Every day's report from 
Europe that flashes along the electric line, tells that the nation's 
credit is lower than that of the bonds put forth by a corporation of 
its own creation. Our shame is proclaimed in the markets of the 
world once in twenty-four hours. This is a position of danger and 
disgrace. At any moment foreign war or civil commotion may top- 
ple over this feeble credit and leave us helpless, despite all our re- 
sources and our boastful sense of national power. Why does the 
world — why do our own citizens distrust the faith of the Govern- 
ment ? Why, when this question presses itself upon the public mind, 



SPEECH OF THE CONVENTION" OF 1867. 173 

do those who hold pohtical power in our land, strive to turn public 
attention away from the subject? Constant efforts to-keep alive the 
passions of the "N"orth, do not spring so much from hatred of the 
South, as from the fear that the people may look into the financial 
condition of the country. When taxation presses heavily >.pon labor, 
a new committee is at once ordered by Congress, to look -.por hi vent 
Southern outrages. A series of telescopic views of fai off and irri- 
tating subjects are constantly held up to the public ej e, lest these 
things which most concern us at home, should got a share of our 
scrutiny. They are anxious at the pend'ug election, io keep men's 
thoughts intent upon the squabble between military and civil mem- 
bers of their party. They would have these buboles of the hour 
take up the attention of our people. This through all time has been 
the device of those unable to face their creditors, or who seek public 
tor private plunder. I believe wise statesmanship can save our honor 
can pay our debts, and lift the load of taxation from our people. Let, 
us then confront these financial problems. Why is our national 
credit so low? Because ours is the only G-overnment in the world 
that seeks to keep alive hatred and discord within its borders ; be- 
cause it is revolutionary in its tendencies ; because it tramples upon 
all those rights of person, of property, of freedom of thought, and 
opinion, which had heretofore been the living principles of our politi- 
cal fabric, and which alone gives it strength and value ; because it 
has violated all the pledges which it gave from time to time, in the 
course of the rebellion ; because it influenced the different States 
■ making up the Union, to repudiate their sacred obligations. They, 
say with truth, that to pay a man with debased paper money when he 
has had the promise of coin, is bad faith. Yet in New York, the gret*!". 
commercial State of the Union, when we were about to pay the pub- 
lic creditor, who had given us not a depreciated currency, but sterling 
coin, the interest money that was due him, he was forced to take a 
debased paper, at times worthless thanona-half its face. As Governor 
of this State, I implored a Republican Legislature not to do this great 
wrong. I pointed out the cost of repudiation to our State and nation; 
I reminded tliem that we could not disgrace the chief — the commer- 
cial State of this Union, the most popular and wealthy of all, without 
bringing shame upon our land. The appeal was made in vain. 
Every Democratic Senator voted in favor of keeping up the faith of 
the State, while each Republican placed himself upon the record in 
favor of repudiation. This one base act has cost our State tenfold in 
coin the price of an honest payment of our debts. It has thrown 
upon us a shame which no words can tell. Another cause for tho 



174 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

law and at this time waning credit of the Government, is that the 
business men of the world see that the statements put forth by the 
Treasury, are used to mislead the people. I do not charge that they 
are untrue; they give the amount of bond and currency debt, and 
such claims as appear upon the books of the department, but they 
are used to make the false impression upon the minds of the people, 
that the burdens of taxation will soon grow lighter, and that the 
public securities^are gaining in real strength and value. Perliaps it 
is not the fault of the Secretary that they do not set forth other facts 
which fill with alarm every thoughtful man. We are in truth mak- 
ing in this country another form of indebtedness, which does not 
appear upon his books, but which are a prior lien to that held by the 
public creditor. ^\''hen a G-overnment by its policy, fastens upon a 
people new and lasting expenses, it makes obligations which are as 
burdensome to the tax-payers, as if they were annual interest upon 
its bonds. 

"When our Government entered upon the plan of governing the 
South by military power, when it resolved to upturn the whole po- 
litical structure in one-third of the Union, by disfranchising the intel- 
ligent white man, and giving to the ignorant negro pohticai control, 
it increased the peVmanent cost of this Government to about two 
hundred millions every year. The man does not live who will see the 
day when this military power and its fearful cost can be cut down 
under the policy that now directs our public affairs. Our public ex- 
penses, apart from interest on the debt, have gone up from $58,000,- 
000 in 18G0, to about $185,000,000. In 18G6, if we add the interest 
on the debt, it foots up $322,000,000. Our rulers are making beyond 
the cost of the lust democratic administration, and beyond the interest 
on any debt, extra changes upon the Treasury of $127,000,000, or 
wli:it would be the interest of five per cent, on $2,500,000,000. But 
this is not all, as these new charges are counted among the expenses 
of Government they are prior liens, and must be first paid. 

" If the pledges of the party in power had been kept, to-day there 
would liave been but a narrow margin between the claims of the 
bond-holder and the sum paid by revenue into the national Treasury, 
But the world now sees an army with banners, a host of oilicials, 
and vast and corrupting expenditure wedging in between the public 
Treasury and the public creditor. The latter is constantly pushed 
back in the order of payment. He finds his demand rapidly sinking 
toward the bottom of a lengthening list of claims. Yet the bond- 
holders are called upon by the Republican leaders to- act as a rear 
guard to the hosts who are emptying the Treasury and putting into 



SPEECa OF THE CONVENTION OF 1867. 175 

their own pockets the money that should go to the pubhc creditor. 
There is another peril to the holders of our securities ; the odium of 
taxation is thrown upon them. The people are taught that the money 
wrung from them by the tax-gatherer all goes to the holder of bonds, 
yet in truth, while $137,000,000 was paid for interest in 18G6, 
$185,000,000 was given to uphold armies and miUtary power to 
officials, to Freedmeu's Bureau to feed and clothe the negro, and 
other expenses growing out of the policy of crushing out the South- 
ern States. Men of the North, you will soon find that the fetters 
forged for the hands of the South are light indeed compared vnth. 
the yokes whicli are placed upon your necks. The annual increase 
of the cost of our Government, beyond its expenses in 1860, is 
equal to the interest at six per cent., upon a debt of $2,100,000,000. 
It is due to the Secretary of the Treasury to say that any warning he 
has given against waste and corruption has been unheeded by Con- 
gress. Are we then lessening our national obligations ? Again^ ^ 
while the Republican journals use the reports of the Secretary of 
the Treasury to encourage their followers with hope of relief, they do 
not point out to them the startling fact that if the volume of bonded 
debt is diminished, the interest to be paid upon that debt is growing 
greater. The policy of our rulers is to turn non-interest paying obli- 
gations into a tax-exacting form, so that the Treasury reports show 
that the taxation demanded to pay the national interest is growing 
greater each day. 

******* 
" Those who now hold the power have not only hewed up to the 
line of repudiation, but they have done the public creditor wrong in 
other respects; they have turned away the public mind from all 
scrutiny into our financial condition; they have not tried to give 
value to tiie public credit; they have, in that boastful spirit which 
made the tele civil war so wasteful m blood and treasure, by under- 
stating the difficulties and dangers of the public position, tried to 
deaden the public sense with regard to impending danger. If we 
put the value of our bonds upon a level with those of Great Britain, 
we add more than two thousand millions to the value of the securi- 
ties held by our citizens. This sunple act would give a vast amount 
of wealth to the holder, greater security to the laboring men and 
women who have put their earnings into savings banks which arc 
secured by these stocks, and would place the paper money of the 
country upon a basis above distrust. This one act, like a magic 
wand, would change the aspect of our affairs, and would give us 
vast wealth and resources. Yet it would not cost the tax-payer one 



176 HON. HOKATIO SETMOTJK. 

cent! It •would, in fact, lessen his burden. The measures which 
would do this would lift off from the labor of the country the bur- 
dens wliich now crush down so many industrial pursuits. The policy 
which must give character to our bonds, must, in the nature of 
things, give prosperity to our country and profits to labor. These 
must rise and faU together. I do not own a Government bond; I 
have deplored the waste and corruption which piled up the national 
debt: I have protested against the criminal foUy which exempted 
them from taxation ; but these were acts of the American people, 
through tlieir lawful representatives, and have been sanctioned by 
them in their subsequent elections, and they should pay the penalty. 
I would keep the public faith. While we condemn the errors of tlie 
past, let us, with zeal, seek to make the future prosperous by 
patient, patriotic efforts to briug back again our Government to its 
former wisdom, honesty, and simplicity. Why should not our credit 
be made as good as that of Britain's? We owe less, our means are 
greater. Why is not our credit better than that of the Turk, whose 
wealth and power does not compare with ours? Simply because 
these powers are seeking to uphold the iutegrity of their domain, 
the peace and well-being of their people, and to keep down the cost 
of their Government. In no other Government in the world than 
ours are military ofiBcers wielding despotic powers told that they 
will be deposed when pea<!e and order exists within their domains. 
In no otiier country than ours are agents, hke those of the Freed- 
men's Bureau, bribed by the love of power and by the love of gain to 
keep up discord and instigate sectional hate. If the expense of our 
Government had been put down at an expense twice as great as that 
spent by the last democratic achninistration, and the balance of our 
income had been used to pay the public debt, our bonds would 
have been worth as much as those of Britain, or nearly twice tlieir 
preseiit value. It is not the bond-holder, it is the office|^lder. who 
most taxes our people and wrings from labor the fruits of it» toil. 
These are the vampires that suck the blood of the people. It is not 
the task-master, but the Government agents and officials who force 
the mechatiic to lengthened hours of toil, for he must support these 
as well as his family, before he can take rest for his wearied limbs. 
If the money collected by Government, after letting the Republicans 
spend twice as much as was ever used by a democratic administra- 
tion, was paid to lessen our debt, not only would we give wealth to 
the bond-holder and relief to the tax-payer, but we should lessen 
the cost of all that our country buys. It would go into market with 
a better credit. We could then command the specie of the world ; 



SPEECH OF THE CONVENTION OF 18G7. 177 

we could gain it in exchange for our securities as the govornments 
of Europe do. Now thoy are peddled out all over Europe at half 
price in exchange for dry-goods and groceries. They are taken 
cautiously and slowly, although the Eiu-fjpean buyer gets an interest 
of about eight per cent, in coin, while the rate of interest paid for 
money in London to-day is barely two per cent. Does not every 
man see and know that this monstrous disgrace would not stain the 
honor of our country if there was a wise, honest, and patriotic admin- 
istration of its affairs? Do not the reports of the Secretary of the 
Treasury show that wo could swiftly wipe out our debt if our income 
■^'as not perverted to partisan purposes? Do not the columns of the 
press teem with statements of official plunder and frauds in every 
quarter of our land, while public virtue rots under this wasteful ex- 
penditure of the public fund? It is said it is repudiation to force our 
legal tender upon the bond-holder. What makes it so.? The low 
credit of the country. Build that up ; jnake your paper as good as 
gold, and this question can not come up. Then the bond-holder will 
not care which you give him. This controversy grows out of the 
fact that men do not believe our legal tenders are, or ever will be 
as good as gold. If it is repudiation to pay Such money it was repu- 
diation to make it, and it is repudiation to keep it debased by waste 
and by partisan plans to keep our country in disorder and danger. 
Give a decent credit to our bonds and we can make new loans. . We 
can pay off those which are exempt from taxation, and make the 
burdens of the Government rest equally easy upon all. 

" Another measure is needed to restore our credit and our honor. 
Give us back our commerce. A few years since we were a great 
maritime power — our ships whitened every ocean. Where are they, 
now ? Official reports show that the carrying trade, once a source of 
wealth and power, has been nearly lost. The ships which bear our 
products abroad or bring the emigrant to our shores sail under for- 
eign flags. Our commerce was swept from the sea, not by Southern 
corsairs, but by Xorthern Congressmen. Britain will pay for the few 
vessels burned by privateers fitted out in her ports, not from a sense 
of justice, but from a feeling of gratitude toward an administration 
thct has done so much to build up her power and greatness. She 
has reaped all the fruits of our civil war. She is now indeed the 
mistress of the sea. We no longer vex her witli our rivalry. We 
once stood in the way" of her ambition ; we built better and cheaper 
vessels. Our skill upon the seas was unrivaled ; our untaxed arti- 
sans were driving her out of her best markets. Her looms could not 
8* 



178 HON". HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

move unless we gave her cotton. All is now changed. Our ship- 
yards are idle. American imports and American exports are borne 
over the ocean under British or foreign flags. Our manufacturers 
call upon Congress to help them live against foreign competition upon 
our own soil. We pile up tariffs to fence out cheap products and 
then load down labor with taxation imtil the burdens of our Govern- 
ment overtop the protection we give by duties upon foreign imports, 
and so a leaden pall weighs upon our industry. Beyond all this we 
have given Britain that for which she has heretofore planned and 
schemed in vain — cotton producing colonies. Her India possessions, 
which were of doubtful value, are now made by Republican stu- 
pidity, the source of enormous wealth and the successful rivals of 
xVmerican industry. In five years before the rebellion the annual 
value of the cotton sent from India was about $17,000,000. In tlie 
five following, the annual average was about $113,000,000. In 1866 
it rose to nearly the sum of $150,000,000. More effectually to foster 
this branch of British industry, Congress gives it a bonus in the 
markets of the world by putting an export duty on American cotton. 
While her production grows great ours falls off. Never in all her his- 
tory has she had such allies as the Republican party. Her people 
can well afford to give marked honors to those who have brought 
our country upon the verge of ruin. 

" The great and crowning measure to lessen the taxation of the 
North : to shorten the hours of labor for our mechanics ; to raise the 
credit of our securities; to insure the peace and safety of our land, 
is to give us back our Union. We can no longer bear the cost of 
armies; of spendthrift agents, of corrupt officials, of food and cloth- 
ing to vagrant idlers, of meddling with the concerns of far-off States, 
and of neglecting our own affairs. It is at this point that the an- 
tagonisms of party show themselves in principles as well as policy. 
Talk as we may about the rise and fall of parties there are senti- 
ments in the minds of our people which will always make one party 
favoring centralization and meddling. It may in the future, as in 
the past, change its name and pretext, as the result of its policy 
makes it odious. It has filled our land with bloodshed and strife. 
It has loaded us down with debt and taxation. It has put back 
religion, temperance, and virtue, by dragging them into pohtical 
strife, and by the passage of laws, which tend to make them odious 
in the minds of the people. It is ever on the lookout for some pre- 
text to meddle with the rights of men, upon some ground of birth, 
of lineage, of religious behef, of social custom. These, more than 
positive crimes, excite its passions. While our German citizens, a 



SPEECH OF THE CONVENTION OF 1867. 179 

people marked for their frugality, industry, good order and freedom 
from intemperance, have been arrested and imprisoned because their 
(iocial habits differ from our own," not one of our pubHc officers who 
are charged and convicted by their own friends of fraud and public 
robberies have ever been brought to the bar of justice. 

4: 4: :{: 4: 4: H: 4: 

" if any man doubts the influence of a change of the men in power, 
let him look at the effect of the victories we have gained. Since the 
result in Maine, California, and Connecticut, a Repubhcan Convention 
has discovered that foreign-born citizens have rights ; that there 
ought to be freedom enough in the land to let the German have the 
social customs endeared to him by the associations of home, and that 
he was i,ot bound to give up all his rights of opinion, and all hia 
freedom of action, when he becomes an American citizen. As the 
shadow of coming defeat falls upon the Republicans, they even 
promise to become honest; and in their zeal they have pitched over- 
board all of their officials who have not robbed the treasury, "We 
will end the good work they begun, by throwing the rogues after 
them. Lei us lift up the Democratic standard, and lift it high. Let 
us fight for fireside rights, for freedom of- opinion, for an honest 
management of public affairs. Above all, let us battle for the res- 
toration of the Union, and may G-od defend the right." 

At th^ close of the Convention, Governor Sey- 
mour bid his colleagues good-bye in an affecting 
speech, &ome portions of which were prophetic. In 
the samo connection he referred to the death of Dean 
Kichmoiid : said he, — 

" We have seen the close of days of defeat. "We are now about 
to see the opening of days of triumph. * * * * 

Other men will take our places ', younger men will take the stage of 
action. Tiierefore it is, I say, that while to-day I congratulate you, 
because I feel that the hour of triumph has advanced upon us, I 
would give one thought to the memory of days that are past, and to 
those who iiave been taken away so recently, and whom we miss so 
much on th a occasion." 



CHAPTEK XXIY. 

THE NATIONAIi DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION. 

The TTational Democratic Convention met in 
Tammanj Hall, JSTew York City, on Saturday, July 
4, 1868. Mr. August Belmont, Chairman of the 
National Executive Committee, called the Conven- 
tion to order promptly at 12 o'clock, m., and after a 
few pertinent remarks, which frequently were inter- 
rupted with cheers, nominated Hon. Henry L. 
Palmer, of Wisconsin, as temporary President. Mr. 
Palmer, being unanimously chosen to preside, made 
a brief, well-timed speech before taking the chair, 
-and called upon Kev. Dr. Morgan, Rector of St. 
Thomas's Church, ]^ew York, to offer prayer, which 
that clergyman accordingly did. The usual com- 
mittees on permanent organization and resolutions 
were then appointed, and the convention adjourned 
until Monday morning. 

On Monday morning the committee on perma- 
nent organization reported the name of Horatio 
Seymour for President of the Convention, the an- 
nouncement of which was received with rapturous 
cheers. Mr. Seymour then took the chair, and 
acknowledged the honor thus conferred upon him in 
most suitable terms, closing his remarks with the 
following words : — 



NATIONAL DEMOCKATIC CONTENTION. 181 

" We meet to-day to see what measures can be taken to arrest the 
dangers which threaten our country, and to retrieve it from the 
evils and burdens resulting from bad government and unwise coun- 
sels. I thank G-od that the strife of arms has ceased, and that once 
more in the great conventions of our party we can call through the 
whole roll of States and find men to answer for each. (Tremendous 
and continued cheering.) Time and events in their great cycles 
have brought us to this spot to renew and invigorate that Constitu- 
tional Government which nearly eighty years ago was inaugurated 
in this city, (Loud cheers.) It was here that George Washington, 
the first President, SAVore to 'preserve, protect, and defend,' the 
Constitution of these United States. (Cheers.) And here, this day. 
we as solemnly pledge ourselves to uphold the rights and liberties 
of the American people ,Thea, as now, a great war which had 
desolated our land had ceased. Then, as now, there was in every 
patriotic breast a longing for the blessings of a^-ood government, for 
the protection of laws, and for sentiments of fraternal regard and 
affection among the inhabitants of all the States of this Union. 
When our Government, in 1780, was inaugurated in this city, there 
were glad processions of men and those manifestations of great joy 
which a people show when they feel that an event has happened 
which is to give lasting blessings to the land. (Cheers.) To-day in 
this same spirit this vast assemblage meets, and the streets are 
thronged with men who have come from the utmost borders of our 
continent. They are filled with the hope that we are about, by our 
actions and our policy, to bring back the blessings of good govern- 
ment. It is among the happiest omens which inspire us now that 
those who fought bravely in our late civil war are foremost in their 
demands that there shall be peace in our land. The passions of hate 
and malice may linger in meaner breasts, but we find ourselves 
upheld in our generous purposes by those who showed true courage 
and manhood on the field of battle. (Cheers.) In the l^irit, then, 
of George Washington and of the patriots of the Revolution, let us 
take the steps to reinaugurate our Government, to start it once again 
on its course to greatness and prosperity. (Loud cheers.) May 
Almighty God give us the wisdom to carry out our purposes, to give 
to every State of our Union the blessings of peace, good order, and 
fraternal afiection." 

A delegation from tlie convention of the conser- 
vative soldiers and sailors of tlie Union armj, headed 



182 HON. HOEATIO SEYMOTJE. 

by Major-Geiieral Franklin, then appeared and pre- 
sented an address announcing tlie determination of the 
Union soldiers and sailors to oppose radicalism to the 
last, and stand by the action of the Democratic Con- 
vention. The address, as well as those who presented 
it, was received with great enthusiasm, and in re- 
sponse to repeated calls, General Thomas Ewing, Jr., 
made a brief speech. 

Hon. Henry C. Murphy, of "New York, on behalf 
of the committee on resolutions, presented the follow- 
ing platform of principles, the reading of w^hich was 
frequently interrupted with enthusiastic cheering : — 

THE PLATFORM. 

The Democratic party in National Convention assembled, re- 
posing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating 
justice of the people, standing upon the Constitution as the founda- 
tion and limitation of the powers of the Government, and the guaranty 
of tlie liberties of the citizen ; and recognizing the questions of slavery 
and secession as having been settled for all time to come — (tremen- 
dous cheering) — by tlie war or the voluntary action of the Southern 
States in ConstitutioDal Convention assembled, and never to be re- 
newed or re-agitated, do with the return of peace demand: 

Mrst — Immediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the 
Union under the Constitution, and of civil government to the Ameri- 
can people. (Cheers.) 

Second — Amnesty for all past political offens6s, and the regulation 
of the elective franchise in the States by their citizens. (Cheers.) 

Third — Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly 
as practicable ; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, except 
so much as is requisite for the necessities of the Government, econo- 
mically administered, being honestly applied as such payment ; and 
where the obligations of the Government do not expressly state upon 
their face, or the law under which they were issued does not provide, 
that they shall be paid in coin, they ouglit, in right and in justice, to 
be paid in the lawful money of the United States. (Thunders of 
applause.) 



THE PLATFOEM. Ib6 

Fourth — Equal -taxation of every species of property according to 
its real value, including Government bonds and otlier public securi- 
ties. (Renewed cheering and cries of '* Read it again,") 

Fifih — One currency for the Government and the people, 'the 
laborer and the oflSce-holder, the pensioner and tlio soldier, tlie pro- 
ducer and the bond-holder. (Great cheering and cries of " Read it 
again.") Tlie fifth resolution was again read and again cheered. 

Sixth — Economy in the administration of the Government; the re- 
duction of the standing army and the navy; the abolition of the 
Freedraen's Bureau — (great cheering) — and all political instrumentali- 
ties designed to secure negro supremacy ; simplification of the system, 
and the discontinuance of inqjiisitorial modes of assessing and collect- 
ing Internal Revenue, so that the burden of taxation may be equal- 
ized and lessened ; the credit of the Government, and the currency 
made good ; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the State mili- 
tia into national forces in time of peace; and a tariff for revenue 
upon foreign imports, and such equal taxation under the Internal 
Revenue laws as will afford incidental protection to domestic manu- 
factures, and as will, without impairing the revenue, impose the least 
burden upon, and yet promote and encourage, the great industrial 
interests of the country. 

Seventh — Reform of abuses in the administration, the expulsion of 
corrupt men from office, the abrogation of useless offices, the restora- 
tion of rightful authority to, and the independence of, the executive 
and judicial departments of the Government, the subordination of 
the mihtary to the civil power, to the end that the usurpation of Con- 
gress and the despotism of the sword may cease. (Cheers.) 

Eighth — Equal rights and procection for naturalized and native 
born citizens at home and abroad, the assertion of American national- 
ity which shall command the respect of foreign powers, and furnish 
an example and encouragement to people struggling for national in- 
tegrity, constitutional liberty and individual rights, and the mainte- 
nance of the rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute doctrine 
of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign powers to punish 
them for alleged crime committed beyond their jurisdiction. (Loud 
applause.) 

In demanding these measures and reforms we arraign the Radical 
party for its disregard of right and the unparalleled oppression and 
tyranny which have marked its career. 

After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of 
Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the 
Government and the preservation of the Union under the Constitu- 



184 HOIT. HOEATIO SEYMOTJK. 

tion, it has repeatedly violated that most sacred pledge, under which 
alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried our Hag to 
victory. (Cheers.) Instead of restoring the Union, it has, so far as 
in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten States, in time of pro- 
found peace, to military despotism and negro supremacy. It has 
nullified there the right of trial by jury; it has abolished the habeas 
corpus^ that most sacred writ of liberty; it has overthrown tne free- 
dom of speech and the press ; it has substituted arbitrary seizures 
and arrests, and military trials and secret star-chamber in|uisltion3 
for the constitutional tribunals ; it has disregarded in time of peace 
the right of the people to be free from searches and seizures ; it nas 
entered the post and telegraph offices, and even the private rooms of 
individuals, and seized their private papers and letters without any 
specitic charge or notice of affidavit, as required by the organic law ; 
it has converted the American Capitol into a bastile ; it has estab- 
lished a system of spies and official espionage to which no constitu- 
tional monarchy of Europe would now dare to resort — (cheers) — it 
would abolish the right of appeal on important constitutional ques- 
tions to the supreme judicial tribunal, and threatens to curtail or 
destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrevocably vested by the 
Constitution, while the learned Chief-Justice — (loud cheering) — has 
been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely because he 
would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false and 
partisan charges preferred against the President. Its corruption and 
extravagance have exceeded every thing known in history, and by its 
frauds and monopolies it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt 
created by the war. It has stripped the President of his constitu- 
tional power of appointment, even of his own Cabinet. Under its 
repeated assaults the pillars of the Government are rocking on their 
base, and should it succeed in November next and inaugurate its 
president, we will meet as a subjected and conquered people amid the 
ruins of liberty and the scattered fragment of the Constitution. 

And we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the 
United States threw ofT all subjection to tlie British crown the privi- 
lege and trust of suflfrage have belonged to the several States, and 
have been granted, regulated, and controlled exclusively by the po- 
litical power of each State respectively, and that any attempt by 
Congress, on any pretense whatever, to deprive any State of this 
right, or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power 
which can find no warrant in the Constitution, and, if sanctioned by 
the people, will subvert our form of government, and can only end 
in a single centralized and consolidated Government in which the 



THE PLATFORM. 185 

separate existence of the States will be entirely absorbed, and an un- 
qualified despotism be established in place of a Federal Union of 
coequal States. 

And that we regard the Reconstruction acts (so-called) of Congress, 
as such, as usurpations and unconstitutional, revolutionary and 
void. 

That our soldiers and sailors who carried the flag of our country 
to victory against a most gallant and determined foe must ever be 
gratefully remembered, and all the guaranties given in their favor 
must be faithfully carried into execution. (Cheers.) 

That the public lands should be distributed as widely as possible 
among the people, and should be disposed of either under the pre- 
emption of homestead lands, or sold in reasoua]>le quantities, and to 
none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by the 
Government. When grants of public land may be allowed, nocos- 
sary for the encouragement of important public improvements, the 
proceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves 
should be applied. (Cheers.) 

That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson — (ap- 
plause) — in exercisiug the power of his high office in resisting the 
aggressions of Congress upon the constitutional rights of the States 
and the people, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American 
people, and in behalf of the Democratic party we tender him our 
thanks for his patriotic efforts in that regard. (Great applause.) 

Upon this Platform the Democratic party appeal lo every patriot, 
including the conservative element and all who desire to support tho 
Constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past differences of 
opinion, to unite witli us in the present great struggle for the liber- 
ties of the people — (cheers) — and that to all such, to whatever party 
tliey may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right h nd o." 
fellowship, and hail all such co-operating with us as friends and 
brethren. (Loud cheering.) 

The platform was unanimously and most entlmsi- 
astically adopted. 



BALLOTING FOR A PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE. 

l^ext in order was the nomination of candidates 
for the presidency. The roll of States was called, 



1S6 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

and, as the various names were presented bj the 
chairmen of the delegations they were greeted with 
hearty cheers. This over, it wa- proposed to ballot, 
but the hour being late the Convention adjourned. 

On Tuesday six ballots were had without any can- 
didate receiving even a majority of the votes cast ; 
on Wednesday twelve more ballots were taken, and 
yet no nomination was made. 

When the Convention met on Thursday, it was felt 
that a nomination would be made early in the day. 
Rumor had it that a letter from Mr. Pendleton, with- 
drawing his name, would be read, but as to whom his 
friends would transfer their votes was not known. 
During the previous evening a number of the lead- 
ing supporters of Mr. Pendleton held a meeting and 
resolved to nominate Horatio Seymour and force the 
nomination upon him, but the plan coming to his 
knowledge he (Jbtained a promise from them to re- 
linquish it. Before taking the nineteenth ballot, Mr. 
Vallandighara, on belialf of the Ohio delegation, 
withdrew the name of George II. Pendleton as a 
candidate before the Convention, by virtue of the fol- 
lowing letter ; — 

Cincinnati, July 2, 186a. 
Washington McLean, Fifth Avenue Hotel, New Yo7-k: — 

My Dear Sir : — You know better than any one the feelings and 
principles wliich have guided my conduct siuce the suggestion of my 
name for the presidential nomination. You know that, while I covet 
the good opinion of ray countrymen, and would feel an honest pride 
in so distinguished a mark of their confidence, I do not desire it at 
the expense of one electoral vote — (great applause) — -or of the least 
disturbance of the harmony of our party. I consider the success of 
the Democratic paity in the next election of far greater importance 



PLACED IN NOMINATION. 187 



# 



than the gratification of any personal ambition, however pure and 
lofiy it might be. (Loud cheers.) If, tlierefore, at any time a man 
sluili be suggested wliich, in the opinion of yourself and those 
friends who have shared our confidence, shall be stronger before the 
country, or which can more thoroughly unite our own party, I beg 
that you will instantly withdraw my name, and pledge to the Con- 
vention my hearty and zealous and active support for its nominee 

Yours, verj trul}', 

GEORGE H. PEi^DLETOK 

Three ballots were then, taken, and still the Con- 
vention appeared to be no nearer making a nomina- 
tion than it did two days before. The roll was called 
for the twenty-second ballot. As the vote of each 
State was announced it was evident that Mr. Hen- 
dricks was gaining ; Massachusetts cast four votes 
for Salmon 1\ Cliase, which created some excite- 
ment ; but the great event was yet to come. When 
Ohio was called, Gen. McCoi^k startled the vast as- 
semblage by saying : — 

Mr. Chairman : — I arise at the unanimous request and the demand 
of the delegation from Ohio, and with the consent and approval of 
every public man in the State, including the Hon. George H. Pen- 
dleton, to again place in nomination, against his inclination, but no 
longer against his honor, the name of Horatio Saymour, of 'New 
York. (Rousing cheers and long-continued applause.) Let us vote, 
Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Convention, for a man whom 
the presidency has sought, but who has not sought the presidency. 
(Applause.) I believe in my heart that it is the solution of the 
problem which has been engaging the minds of the Democrats and 
Conservative men of this nation for the last six monihs. (''Good," 
"good,") I believe it will have a solution which will drive from 
power the vandals who now possess the Capitol of the nation. 
(Applause.) I believe it will receive the unanimous assent and 
approval of the great belt of States from the Atlantic — Xew York, 
New Jorsv-y, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, and 
Missouri, and away West for quantity — to the Pacilic Ocean. (Ap- 
plause ' I say that he has not sought the prcsiueucy, and I ask — • 



188 HOIT. iiORATIO SEYMOUR. 

not demauJ — I ask that this ConventioQ shall demaod of him tha^, 
sinking his own inclinatioa and the well-known desires on his pare, 
he shall yield to what we believe to be the almost urjauimous wish 
and desire of the delegates to tliis Convention. (G^reat applause, 
and three cheers.) In my earnestness and enthusiasm, I had almost 
forgotten to case the tweaty-one votes of Ohio for Horatio Seymour. 
(Tremendous excitement, and nine cheers for Horatio Seymour.) 

It was several minutes before Governor Seymour 
could obtain a bearing, so prolonged were tbe demon- 
strations in bis boiror. At last, silence being restored, 
he said : — 

Gentlemen OF the Convention: (Cheers) — The motion just made 
by the gentleman from Ohio excites in my mind the most mingled 
emotions. (Applause.) I have no terms in which to express my 
gratitude — (cheers) — for the magnanimity of his State and for the 
generosity of this Convention. (Cheers.) I have no terms in which 
to tell of my regret that my name has been brought betbre this Con- 
vention. God knows that my life and all that I value most in life 
I would give for the good of my country, which I believe to be iden- 
tified with our own party. (Applause, and cries of "Take the 
nomination, then.") I do not stand here as a man proud of his 
opinions, or obstinate in his purposes, but upon a question of duty 
and of honor I must stand upon my own convictions against the 
world. (Applause, and a voice, "God bless you, Horatio Seymour.") 
Gentlemen, when I said here at an early day, that honor forbade my 
accepting a nomination by this Convention, I meant it. When, in 
tlie course of my intercourse with those of my own delegation and my 
friends, I said to them that I could not be a candidate, I meant it. 
And now permit me here to say that I know, after all that has taken 
place, I could not receive the nomination without placing, not only 
myself, but the great Democratic party in a Mse position. But, 
gentlemen of the Convention, more than that, Ave have had to-day an 
exhibition from the distinguished citizen of Ohio, that has touched 
my heart as it has touched yours. (Cheers.) I thank God, and I 
congratulate this country, that there is in the great State of Oliio, 
wliose magnificent position gives it so great a control over tlie action 
of our country, a young man, rising fast into fame, whose future is 
all glorious, who has told the world he could tread beneath his feet 
every other consideration than that of duty, and when he expressed 



FNTRUSIASnCALLY NOMIXATKD. 189 

to iiirf dclegitiou, and expressed iu more direct terms, that lie was 
willing that I should be nominated, who stood iu such a position of 
marked opposition to his own nomination, I should feel a dishonored 
man if I could not tread in the far distance, and in a feeble way, the 
same honorable pathway which he has marked out. (Great applause.) 
(rentlemen, I thank you, and may God bless you for your kindness to 
me ; but your candidate I can not be. (Three cheers for Horatio 
Sej^mour.) 

Cries of "No," "!No, Ko," came from every part 
X^art of the house when Mr. Yallandigham declared 
for the Ohio delegation, that under no circumstances 
would they recede from their position. The call of 
the States was then resumed without any noticeable 
change in the votes, until Wisconsin was called; the 
chairman of its delegation announced that he was 
instructed to second the motion of Ohio, and cast the 
eight electoral votes of his State for Horatio Sey- 
mour. At once the chairman of each delegation was 
on his feet, struggling for recognition of the Presi- 
dent, in order to transfer the vote of his State to 
Horatio Seymour. The scene at this point was most 
exciting, and lest our own description of it might be 
suspected of partiality, we transcribe the follow- 
ing account from the New York Times of Friday, 
July 10 :— 

"The end had come. Instantly all over the hall the delegations 
sprang to their feet, every chairman demanding recognition by voice 
and gesture. The lobbies broke out into tumultuous continuous 
clieers. Hats, fans, handkerchiefs were waved aloft, delegates 
seized the silken pennons of their States, and brandished them over 
tlie heads of the yelling crowd. The tumult swelled until it became 
confusion worse confounded. No single word could be heard; no 
individual voice recognized. The vigorous rapping of the President's 
gavel was unheard. Out of the uproar came in some instants of in- 
tervenliun, tlie announcement of some State wlieeliug into lino for 



190 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

Seymour. Maryland, Illinois, Texas, Delaware, Virginia, Vermont, 
Georgia and Louisiana were heard above the din, and such announce- 
ment added fuel to the roaring flame. Sovereign States scrambled 
forward with unseemly haste, and rudely jostled each other in their 
rush to be first in changing to Sbymour. The end was seen, and 
the order issued for the battery in Union square, which had been 
waitingjfor two days to belch fortli the nominations from the cannon's 
mouth, to begin. "With the roar of the first gun the crowd within the 
hall was invigorated, and began again to cheer continuously, lustily. 
There seemed no limit to their capacity for uproar, nor their endurance 
in maintaining it. All business and order was swept before the 
storm, and the officers strove in vain to restore some semblance of 
order. Accidentally or instinctively the Democracy had found a way 
out of the dead-lock of balloting, and borne along by the current. 
States were swept like straws in a rapid river. When at last the 
tumult partially subsided, through sheer exhaustion of the audience 
and delegates, the change of States was obtained and recorded." 

The nomination of Horatio Seymour as the Dem- 
ocratic candidate for the Presidency was declared 
unanimous amid wild cheering within, and the 
booming of cannon without the hall. And here we 
subjoin a table of all the ballots for convenience of 
reference by the reader : — 



TABLE OF ALL THE BALLOTS. 



191 





1 


1 1 


1 1 


1 I 1 


1 1 1 




1 1 


1 1 


i-J 


1 




1 


1 oxyi 

1 »-H r-t 


l| 1 


1 


-^^ 


'*" 




1 


1^ 


1 


1 •**» 


IS2 


1 


1 1 


1 '^ 


OJ 


1 


IS 


S 


1 «5(y« 


1 Orl 


1 


r 


1 1 






S3: 

T-l 


1 


1 rl 


'S 1 


1 


r 


1 « 



g'-^s; I l*-|SI8i I I I j-^-l" 



1 I 



i^B I i^i^ii"! I I I I 



T-l 


CO 1 o 


1 cot- 
1 <y» 


IS 


ill 1 


Mill 


i 


TT TJ( aj 
CO •* 


to t- 


IS 


IS 1 


1 l'^'^ 1 



o 


H*-*! Ho 
t-«5-^|b-t-|C^|->j| 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 

•* colcfl li-iia)|ill||i| 


o> 


1— 1 


00 


eO«000|COt:-0(Mlo'*'l ! 1 1 1 1 1 


t-J 


h- OI tM •» O t- «0 t- Tl< 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 
COr-c-rfTOIJI i-iIcO lllllll 
■PH 


to 


<M iM 'I' CO tN rH T-H loo 1 1 1 1 1 1 i 


o 


Hn-cc 
«->*«OC0t— Mt-iOIO»0>| 1 1 1 1 1 1 


■<«( 


o6 11 CO :■? o CO t- 07 CO T-i<M T-( o> | t I • , 

T-l rtl.-^ CO C-» t-l 1-1 r-l 1 1 1 1 1 


CO 


-4»-<"H" _ Hoi Ho"Hc«rH 

Oi-^OCOOcOi— (Mt— 0-* 1 1 1 1 1 1 
T-l CO -^ CO (M t-i T-< 1-1 i 1 1 1 1 1 


ej 


Hx r*.H"-*< H»iH«< 

•n* d C5 CO to «5 oi iM CO ly) o 1 I 1 1 1 1 

O lO T)< CO <M 1-1 T-l 1-1 Tl 1 1 1 1 1 1 


T-i 


»fiif5COCO«OCOOC0003^ 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 
O to CO CO (M TH r-l »-< III 



(C 


• ' ; 




















s 


. o : 










a 
o 




. 3 • 




: • a 














n 

J3 










Q 






u 




O 








. ._ o 


5 




b 




-2 




a 


ohase . . . . 
Franklin P 
John T. H 




0/ C Tl J -J X c C o o 




O 

u 




PH<:s:ooH»-rMCiiffifa 


Ej^i y »-:. 


<^ 



•fexoiiva MUX 'I'lv do aiavi 



192 HON. HORITIO SEYMOUR. 



THE NOMINATION FOR YICE-PRESIDENT. 

The Convention proceeded at once to nominate a 
candidate for Yice-President. Illinois presented the 
name of Gen. John A. McClerriand, who promptlj 
insisted npon its withdrawal. Iowa proposed the 
name of the Hon. Aug. C. Dodge, and Kansas that 
of Gen. Thomas Ewing, Jr. Kentucky then pre- 
sented, amid great cheering, tlie name of Francis P. 
Bhiir, Jr., of Missouri ; Louisiana, in the person of 
Gen. Jas. B. Steedman, hastened to second the nom- 
ination ; Gen. Wade Hampton, speaking for South 
Carolina, warmly indorsed it, and one by one each 
State, on the first ballot, recorded its entire vote for 
Gen. Blair, thus making his nomination, unanimous. 
The result, as announced by the President, was re- 
ceived with intense enthusiasm. 

The Convention had done its work and done it 
well. 'Pesolutions of compliment to the officers of 
the body, to the Tammany Society, to the citizens 
of 'New York, and to tlie Press were adopted, and 
after giving a hearty round of cheers for Seymour 
and Blair, the Convention adjourned sine die» 



CHAPTER XXY. 

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND HORATIO SETMOITR. 

Since the commencement of our Government, 
there have been substantially but two parties in the 
country. "No matter what name the opposition to 
the Democratic party has assumed, the tendencies 
it has exhibited have always been in one direction, 
which was their desire for a centralized government, 
'and a distrust, latent or recognized, of the un- 
checked will of the people. Hamilton advocated 
effective institutions, and rather doubted the ability 
of the people, without checks and balances, to govern 
tliemselves. And so did all the parties which suc- 
ceeded the Federal in our history ; whatever name 
they have assumed, they always favored a strong 
central Governmeat, and the necessary crippling of 
local freedom. 

The party of Jefferson, on the other hand, have 
ever held that the people should be trusted ; that 
that government was best which governed least ; 
that there was a soul of good in all popular move- 
ments ; that the true political theory was not to 
attempt to train human nature in certain fixed ways 
— to put bandages round the growing limbs of the 
nation — but to recognize the essential good that exists 
in humanity, and which, if given free course, would 

9 



lOi ho:;. nORATIO SliVAtOUiJ. 

justify tlie work of its Maker. In short, on tin's con- 
tiiient we have had the ohl strife between authority 
aud liberty. Hence, whenever by any accident the 
authority party have got into power, we have fallen 
upon an era of high tariffs, lavish cx})cnditure:^, vio- 
lations more or less open of the traditions and of the 
organic law of the country, limiting the •central au- 
thority. Its alien and sedition laws ; its national 
banks; its encroachments upon the liberty of the in- 
dividual ; its impatience of all those wise provisions 
of our Constitution, which limit the po Wei's of the 
General Government ; — all these characteristics mark 
the Republican party, as they did the old Federal 
party. 

Much astonishment has been expressed that after 
the war the Democratic party did not go to pieces. 
The vitality of that party lies in the fact that not- 
withstanding its mistakes, and occasional fits of 
forgetfulness of its own high mission, it has, after all, 
been true to the conception of its founder, Thomas 
Jefferson, aiyi his faith in the doctrine of local self- 
government and individual rights. In the excitement 
and tempest of the war, tlie American people put 
every available weapon into the hands of the central 
Government,to put down the rebellion ; and tlieDemo- 
cratic party, true to its mission, true to the idea which 
gave it vitality, boldly braved the full fury of the 
popular tempest, in order to preserve inviolate the 
liberties of the people. ]Slo man, or set of men, should 
be trusted with unlimited power. The history of all 
nations shows that unchecked power is always abused; 
and hence, when Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet were 



THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 195 

given absolute control, instead of using it wholly 
against the enemies of their country, it was employed 
to put a stop to free thought, to check discussion, and 
to silence all opposition. Our greatest peril during 
the war lay not in the injuries that might be inflicted 
by the armies of the enemy, but in the danger tliat 
the American people might forget those principles 
of freedom and self-government which had been 
handed down to them from their fathers. It is to 
the lasting honor of the democratic part}", that at 
the risk of being called disloyal, it dared to brave the 
tremendous power which had been created at Wash- 
ington, and to insist that the powers of the Govern- 
ment should not be used to take away the liberties 
of the people of the ]^orth ; and it was this attitude 
which laid them open to the suspicion of sympathiz- 
ing with the enemies of their country. But the his- 
tory of all free governments proves that if ever there 
is a time when a wise, prudent, and patriotic opposi- 
tion is useful to the nation, it is during a war, espe- 
cially a civil war. The danger is then imminent that 
in the desire to preserve the national existence, the 
people will be willing to give np individual liberty. 
When the real history of this war comes to be writ- 
ten, our future Macaulays will distinguish among 
all the men of this country who deserve honor and 
credit, Horatio Seymour of J^ew York. His protest 
against the banishment of Mr. Yallandigham, his 
earnest appeals to the people not to sustain the cen- 
tral Government in the assaults they were making 
upon State rights and individual liberty, will always 
redound to his credit. 'No civilian could have done 



196 HON. HORATIO SEYMOCR. 

more than lie did to help forward all the eiforts which 
the Government was making to put down the Eebel- 
liori. He spared neither money nor work, nor his 
own personal influence, to urge on volunteering, and 
to forward troops to the front. His record in this 
respect is unimpeachable. He did not believe the 
war was a necessaiy war. He was convinced that 
wise statesmanship might have settled the dispute 
without the dread resort to arras; and hence he was 
compelled by his position to arraign the party in 
power for helping to bring upon us all the miseries 
and horrors of an unnecessary civil war. He also 
early saw the danger which would result from giving 
nnchecked power to the party in power. For the 
first year after the war opened, Mr. Lincoln's admin- 
istration was absolutely supreme. There were no 
political parties in the country. Even tlie demo- 
cratic city of New York sustained the administration 
in the first year after the war opened, by a very large 
majority. After this, unchecked power soon sliowed 
itself to be an element of weakness. Our first two 
years of war were years of disappointment and disas- 
ter. Without any opposition, without any great party 
or body of statesmen to criticise and condemn when 
necessary, the Lincoln administration went on from 
blunder to blunder, wasted lives, and squandered 
treasure without accomplishing any of the objects of 
the war. At the same time it developed a spirit of 
impatience at criticism, and having the passions of 
the nation on its side, did not hesitate to use its great 
power in putting down the home opposition which 
its own blunders had aroused. The tide turned in 



THE DEMOCRITIC PARTY. 197 

favor of tlie N'orth only wlien the great democratic 
party, true to the instincts for popular liberty,'in op- 
position to the concentration of too much power in 
the central Government, rose up ail over the country, 
and called attention to and denounced the short- 
comings and blunders of tlie then existing adminis- 
tration. The elections of 1862, in which the demo- 
cratic party swept like a wave over the great central 
States of the Union, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
and Indiana was the true turning point of the war. 
An opposition party was called into existence, and 
though the General Government did not give up the 
extraordinary power it had assumed, and though it 
had (and has even to this day) a body of extreme 
partisans, which has always sustained its most offen- 
sive measures, yet something was done to clieck its 
pretensions, and to turn its attention to the enemy 
by whom it had been beaten in the field, rather than 
to the patriotic opposition which was endeavoring 
to correct its irregularities, and to point out its 
short-comings to the people. Once this lesson given, 
and tlie etiorts of the General Government to crush 
the Eebellion successful, the American people, al- 
ways grateful and loyal, rallied around the Lincoln 
administration, and helped it to close the war 
successfully. 

It is usual in every government for parties which 
oppose a war to lose the confidence of the people. 
It was so in the war of 1S12, and in the Mexican 
war. It was not so in the late civil war fur the 
reason that the Democratic party acted a pati-iotic 
part. Ko State of the ISTorth, no matter how 



198 HON. nOExiTIO SEITMOUR. 

strongly it had been attached to the faith of the 
Democratic party, failed to do its duty when the call 
to arms came. IS'ew Jersey, always a reliable demo- 
cratic State, sent an excess of soldiers to the field, 
and Xew York City, with its enormous democratic 
majorities, not only furnished its own quotas, but 
was a general recruiting ground for the w^iole Union. 
I have no disposition to make unfavorable compari- 
sons, but the only States which made any systematic 
efforts to fill their quotas outside of their own boun- 
daries were the J^ew England States, and notably 
Massachusetts. 

The position of Governor Seymour during the 
war was one of great delicacy, and his success in re- 
taining the confidence of his party, and of the most 
honorable and candid of his opponents, was due to 
his rare tact and high statesmanlike qualities. He 
w^as ojDposed to the political organization whose ad- 
vent to power precipitated us into war. He believed 
honestly that the Republican party, however worthy 
its aims might have been, — for no great party can 
exist in a free community without some worthy aims 
— was the cause of the war. Tliere is no doubt at 
all that the cardinal doctrine at the root of the He- 
publican party, its opposition to the extension of 
slavery, is one which will redound to its credit in all 
future time. But a distinction should be made be- 
tween worthy aims and most unworthy and repre- 
hensible methods of accomplishing those aims. The 
temper, the policy, the bearing of that party was 
oftensive in the extreme. It was the first party that 
divided the country sectional ly in a Presidential con- 



THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 199 

test. It put forth a sectional ticlvct, appealed wholly 
to !N^orthern voters, and was put into power entirely 
by Nortliern ballots. Its temper was aggressive and 
uncompromising, and, being met with equal temper 
and with equal violence, a collision was precipitated. 

A few 2:ood, wise and sas^acious statesmen at the 
South and a few at tlie North did what they could 
to allay the storm of passion, and naturally enough, 
Governor Seymour, living at the North, and being 
brought into personal contact with the leaders of the 
Republican party, blamed them for the temper they 
brought into the discussion of great public ques- 
tions. 

That party once in power, a wise forbearance, 
statesmanlike caution, some little of that prescience 
without which successful government is impossible, 
would have enabled them to avoid the neces- 
sity of a civil war, and would have postponed if not 
forever prevented any possibility of war on the sub- 
ject of slavery. A charge has been made against 
Governor Seymour that he did not denounce the 
Southern statesmen in his speeches pending the out- 
break of hostilities. It must be remembered, how- 
ever, that he was a recognized party chief, whose 
duty it was to point out the short-comings of the 
section to which he belonged, and the people to whom 
he spoke. His criticisms upon the men and the 
policy of the republican party pending the quarrel, 
were necessarily from a home point of view, and 
were attended with immediate results in the North- 
ern States. But once the civil war was fairly under 
way, Governor Seymour did not hesitate. The flag 



200 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

of Ills conn try had been insnlted ; men were in arras 
all over the South to rend the Union asunder. He 
never held any divided allegiance. Before the war, 
during the war, and since the war, his motto has 
been, " The Union and the Constitution." Kever 
has he faltered, never wavered, from maintaining the 
Federal Union against all its opponents North and 
South. While he would have tried to prevent the 
war, he saw no way to get out of it but to fight it 
out when once war was commenced, though in spite 
of his warning and against his protests. 

Knowing the temper of the leaders of the repub- 
lican party, and seeing the power which had been 
conferred upon them by the thoughtless generosity 
of the American people, he saw with dismay, but 
without much surprise, that they were using the 
forces of the Government not for the purpose of put- 
ting down the rebellion, but for consolidating and 
increasing their own power, and removing impedi- 
ments to unchecked authority, all of which was to 
have been expected from their antecedents and the 
theory of government at the bottom of every organ- 
ization which has opposed the democratic party since 
the War for Independence. 

Mr. Seymour possesses moral courage in a very 
high degree. He is always willing to sacrifice him- 
self and the temporary good opinion, if need be, of 
those with whom he is associated if a great public 
good is to be gained thereby. Hence, in spite of 
the calumny which he knew would be heaped upon 
him ; in spite of the false attitude in which he would 
be placed, toward those who honestly but unthink- 



THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 201 

iiigly sustained the war, lie did not hesitate a mo- 
ment to brave the Government, to brave popular 
clamor and feeling when he saw that by so doing he 
might protect popular rights and local independence. 
A State-Ilights Democrat, he could not but view with 
alarm the encroachments of the Federal Govern- 
ment upon the authority of the States. By all his 
instincts and education strongly prepossessed in favor 
of the democratic ideal of a government in which 
the individual should have the right to the full play 
of his faculties, the only check being the right of 
his neighbors to protection, he could not sympathize 
with that unthinking and passionate loyalty which 
insisted upon striking down all opposition during the 
continuance of the civil war. His protest against 
the sentence and banishment of Mr. Yallandigham 
showed rare and knightly courage. He knew he 
would be misunderstoodjknew he would be denounced 
as a sympathizer with traitors : but he loved his 
country ; he loved too well the principles of demo- 
cratic liberty in which he had been reared to consider 
what would be the effect upon his personal fortunes 
of a bold and brave protest against what he believed 
to be an act of wanton power in order to check 
and limit free discussion. His course during the 
famous riots of New York, in the year 1863, also 
liave exposed him to the most cruel misrepre- 
sentations ; but now, read in the light of all the 
evidence, it will be seen that Governor Seymour, 
in that as well as in any other emergency acted with 
courage as well as with rare discretion. The testi- 
mony of all the officials with whom he acted — Mayor 
s* 



202 HON. nOE^VTIO SETMOUE. 

Opdyke and the military officers — proves him to be 
a man eminently fit to deal with the gravest emer- 
gencies which arise in a State or nation. 

There is an impression abroad that there is great 
dissimilarity of character between Horatio Seymour 
and General Frank P. Blair, but really they have 
much in common. The pluck and positiveness of 
General Blair's character, which every one recog- 
nizes, are quite as marked in Governor Seymour's 
personal deportment, except that it is veiled by a 
more cautious form of statement and by that culture 
which obtains in the older communities. Gen. 
Blair, upon his advent as a Free-Soiler in Missouri 
showed very great physical and moral courage ; but 
the refinements of deportment, of style, and of senti- 
ment which would have been effective in an old State 
like New York, would have been out of place in the 
political agitator about entering upon public life in 
so turbulent a community as that of Missouri in 
those days. Governor Seymour's frank opposition 
to the administration when it was in the plenitude 
of its power, and when the people unthinkingly stood 
by it, regarding its cause as the cause of the nation ; his 
protest against the banishment of Mr.Vallandingham 
and his speech at the City Hall during the riot week, 
all show him to be a man of rare courage, high 
temper, and unflinching bravery. But his education, 
habits of life, the community in which he had 
always lived, his disposition to conciliate, and the 
kindly temper of the man, all tended to make the 
general public blind to those bolder, nobler, and 
higher traits of his character which only a great 



THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 203 

public emergency could call out. Passion and force 
and courage in the one case were more open, avowed, 
pronounced ; in the other they were tempered by cir- 
cumstance, by education, and the necessity of winning 
rather than driving people to indorse his views. 

It is charged by the Republican journals that 
Gov. Seymour wished to be nominated at I^ew York, 
although he repeatedly urged that body not to bring 
forward his name. They impute to him a burning 
ambition to be made President of the United States. 
If this charge be true, how did it happen that Presi- 
dent Lincoln was unable to swerve him from what 
he deemed to be his line of duty, by a proposal that 
he should be made his successor if he would only 
give up his own ideas of right and conform to the 
policy marked out by Mr. Lincoln ? The world 
knows how many were bribed to leave the Democratic 
ranks by less tempting offers than this. Mr. Thur- 
low Weed, a political enemy of Mr. Seymour, states 
this fact in the following words : — 

"Soon after the election of 1862, Mr. Lincoln remarked to me that, 
as the Governor of the Empire State and the Representative Man of 
the Democratic party, Gov. Seymour had the power to render great 
public service, and that if he exerted that power against the rebellion 
and for his country, he would be our next President." 

This fact was also known to others, and it is true 
that Mr. Lincoln did write a letter to Mr. Seymour 
proposing to open a correspondence with regard to 
public affairs. This letter was followed by mes- 
sengers from Washington, authorized to use language 
more explicit than the expressions used in his own 
written communication. 



204 HON. HORATIO SFYMOUH. 

It appears, then, that the republican party have 
not found Mr. Seymour so ambitious that they could 
tempt him, as they have tempted others, by any offers 
of any position. It should be borne in mind, that 
when this offer was made the democratic party seemed 
to be in a hopeless minority, while the Republican 
organization was at the height of power and in the 
enjoyment of the enormous patronage growing out 
of the war, with the control of an army of nearly one 
million men. 



CHAPTER XXYI 

HORATIO SEYMOUR AS A MAN, AN ORATOR, AND A 

STATESMAN. 

Governor Seymour's bitterest enemy has never 
dared to impugn his private character. In that re- 
spect he is unassailable. He never wronged a human, 
being in person or purse. With ample private 
means and simple tastes, he has had none of the ordi- 
nary temptations to increase his possessions by ques- 
tionable means. Among his neighbors, his word 
has always been as good as his bond. During his 
legislative and executive career, he was never 
charged with giving a corrupt vote in helping any 
measure which would inure to his own private 
advantage. 

His habits also are above reproach. He rarely 
takes wine and seldom smokes ; when he does, it is 
generally out of compliment to his host or guests or 
because he does not wish to appear singular in the 
circle in which he moves. !Nor does he use profane 
language. A cultured Christian gentleman, he is 
ever conscious of the impropriety (to use no stronger 
term) of those irreverent expletives, which form so 
large a part of the ordinary language of American 
men, when away from the presence of the other sex. 

Yet there is nothing puritanical about Horatio 
Seymour. He is tolerant, kindly and genial in his 



206 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

deportment toward all with whom he U associated. 
Strict in his judgment of his own habits and language, 
he does not permit himself to criticise or condemn his 
fellow-men. Accustomed in his long political career 
to mix with all kinds of people, he has found a large 
charit}^ in this regard to be as convenient as it is ne- 
cessary and wise. 

As a popular speaker. Governor Seymour has long 
been without a superior in his own State. Graceful, 
jBluent, profound, powerful, yet always conciliatory, 
concise, instructive, and just, he never fails to inter- 
est and impress an audience. In this respect an 
English traveler of uncommon intelligence, years ago, 
said of him that he approached the type of the best 
class of English statesmen more nearly than did any 
other man he met in America. Professor Wilson, of 
Hobart College, himself a Republican, in a recent 
address before the upper class-men of his college, 
referred to Governor Seymour as the best liv^ing 
example of a popular orator, partaking in his style 
of the logic of Webster, the analysis of Calhoun, the 
grace of Clay, and the fluency of Choate. 

He is peculiarly an extemporaneous speaker. In 
oratory more than in any other thing, has nature 
endowed him royally. He is the liappiest when 
called out unexpectedly. He often writes or dictates 
his speeches but never memorizes them, and rarely 
follows his manuscript closely. The thought and the 
course of argument are retained, but it is noticeable 
that his language is better, if possible, in his im- 
promptu speech than in the written draft of it. The 
inspiration of the audience and the scene make his 



AS A MAX, ORATOR, AND STATESMAN. 207 

words more graceful and effective, more fluent and 
energetic. The electrical bursts of eloquence which 
have given him fame, have been those which were 
evoked bj the inspiration of the moment. The 
presence of an audience, the inspiriting effect of the 
scene and the occasion, rouse all his facmlties and 
exhibit his most admirable and commanding ca- 
pacities. 

Take him " for all in all," he is one of the few 
men in the country fitted by deportment and 
training to be President of the United States. 
Trained to public life, thoroughly conversant with all 
public questions, wise in council, willing to take 
responsibility, discreet in action, ready of speech, 
affable, of kindly temper, he would dignify and adorn 
the highest office in the gift of the people. 



CHAPTER XXYII. 

LOOKING AHEAD— RESULT OF THE ELECTION". 

The nomination of Horatio Seymour for President, 
and of Francis P. Blair, Jr., for Yice-President, ne- 
cessitates a change in the calculations of those who, 
previous to these nominations, were rash enough to 
count as sure the election of Grant and Colfax. If 
popular enthusiasm form an element in the forecasting 
of the result of an election — and who will affirm that 
it does not ? — the prohlem before us is easy of solu- 
tion. High as General Grant had stood in public 
esteem, his nomination as the candidate of the re- 
publican party for the Presidency met with no popu- 
lar response. On the contrary, so soon as it was 
known that the democratic party had nominated 
Horatio Seymour as its standard-bearer in the pres- 
ent campaign, the whole party heartily approved 
its action, and its adherents were unusually demon- 
strative. 

But expressions of popular enthusiasm may be de- 
ceptive. What is needed is not cheers but votes. 
The main question, then, is whether the requisite 
number of votes can be obtained to elect Horatio 
Seymour, President, and Francis P. Blair, Jr., Yice- 
President, of the United States? To answer this 
question intelligently, it is necessary to examine cer- 



LOOKmG AHEAD. 209 

tain political statistics. It is proposed first to review 
the vote cast by each State for Mr. Lincoln, in 1864 ; 
the vote of each State at its last general election ; 
and then to compare the two, from which com- 
parison alone, it is possible to forecast intelli- 
gently the result of the Presidential campaign 
of the present year. It will also be necessary 
to examine the votes of the Southern States since tlie 
close of the war, though an examination of this 
character must, perforce, be far less satisfactory than 
one could desire. That each step may be clear as 
the reader proceeds, it is proposed to consider each 
State by itself, and then recapitulate in tabular form, 
all that has been ascertained in the investigation ; 
by each State, in this connection, is meant each State 
that took part in the Presidential election of 1864. 

Naturally, we begin with Maine, and in all tliese 
observations upon particular States our aim will be 
to be as brief as possible, lest the reader be taxed 
with wearisome details. " As goes Maine, so goes 
the Union," ran the proverb in the days when it 
was a democratic State, simply because at that time 
it was the first of all the States, in which the issue 
was doubtful, to hold its election for State officers 
prior to the Presidential election. It gave a majority 
of 21,122 for Mr. Lincoln, in 1864, but in 1867 elected 
the republican candidate for Governor by a majority 
of only 11,818. 

New Hampshire's majority for Mr. Lincoln, in 
1864, was 3,529, but last spring it re-elected its re- 
publican Governor by a bare majority of 2,493. 

Vermont, Massachusetts, and Hhode Island, of 



210 HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

course, are sure to be carried by the Hepublicans, 
though, in Massachusetts, the republican majority 
of 78,727, in 1864, was, in 1867, reduced to 27,946. 

Connecticut may be counted upon for the Demo- 
crats, since its republican majority of 2,106, in 
1864, was, in 1867, changed, to a democratic major- 
ity of 1,772. 

The same is true of ISfew York. It gave Mr. Lin- 
coln a majority of 6,749, but in l^ovember, 1867, 
elected a democratic Secretary of State by a major- 
ity of 47,930. 

Countinor New Jersey and Maryland, as demo- 
cratic — which no one will gainsay — Pennsylvania is 
the next State in the list which has showed a change 
in political sentiment since 1864. In that year it 
returned for Mr. Lincoln a majority of 20,075, but in 
1867 it returned a democratic majority of 927. 

In the Western States, no important political 
changes were noticeable, save in Ohio, Kansas, Min- 
nesota and Michigan. In 1867, the question of 
negro sufirage was presented to the electors of Ohio, 
and it was decided in the negative by 50,253 ma- 
jority ; at the same election, the Democrats obtained 
a majority in the Legislature, resulting in the election 
of Allen G. Thurman (Democrat), United States 
Senator, to succeed Benjamin F. Wade, w^hose term 
expires March 4, 1869. The republican candidate 
for Governor, however, was elected by the meager 
majority of 2,983. In 1864, Ohio gave Mr. Lincoln 
a majority of 59,586. 

In Kansas, the question of negro suffrage was 
submitted to the people in 1867, and rejected by 



LOOKHS'G AHEAD. 211 

a majority of 8,938, thongli Mr. Lincoln's majority 
in this State in 1804, was just 12,000, includiag the 
soldiers' votes, and without them, 10,400. 

A similar question was presented to Minnesota in 

1867, and a similar decision was rendered, tlie ma- 
jority against negro suffrage being 1,288 ; at the same 
election a republican Governor was chosen by 5,314 
majority. In 1864, Mr. Lincoln's majority was 
T,6i5. 

In Michigan a new constitution, involving negro 
suffrage, was submitted to the people in the spring of 

1868, and it was rejected by 38,849 majority. It 
should be added that in each of the last three States 
just mentioned, the sole advocates of negro suffrage 
were Hepublicans, and its chief opponents were 
Democrats. 

With these preliminary observations, we may ad- 
vance to a more detailed examination of the proba- 
bilities of the issue of the present campaign; and in 
order to facilitate such an examination, the reader's 
attention is asked to the following table. The first 
two cohimns show the popular vote of each State for 
the Presidency in 1864 ; the last two, the vote of the 
same States at tiieir last election for State officers. 
Some of these States, such as Indiana, have not held 
a general election since 1866 ; others, like New York, 
chose certain State officers in 1867; w^hile still others, 
such as Connecticut, have held a general election in 
the present year. But in every instance is given 
the last vote of each State upon an issue in wdiicli 
party politics were clearly presented. For this 
reason the figures accredited to Ohio are those of the 



212 



HON. HORATIO SEYJkrOITB. 



vote for Governor in 1SG7, thongh the main issue of 
that election was negro suffrage (which was defeated 
by over 50,000 majority), and the Democrats secured 
a majority in the State Legislature. And here, it 
may be observed, that in every case of doubt the 
benefit of the doubt has been given to the Republi- 
cans. Subjoined is the table already mentioned : — 





1864. 


1866 


-7-8. 


States. 




















Dem. 


Rep. 


Deii. 


Rep. 


California, . . . 


43,841 


62.134 


49,905 


40,359 


Connecticut, , . 


42,285 


44,691 


50.551 


48,779 


Delaware, . . . 


8.767 


8.155 


g^sio 


8.593 


Illinois, .... 


158,370 


189,496 


147,058 


203,045 


Indiana, .... 


130.233 


150,422 


155,102 


169.618 


Iowa, .... 


49,596 


89,075 


58,880 


90,789 


Kansas, .... 


3,691 


16,441 


19,421 


10,483 


Kentucky, . . . 


04.3ei 


27.786 


90.225 


33.939 


Maine, . . . . 


46,992 


68,114 


45^644 


57,462 


Maryland, . . . 


32,739 


40.153 


6.3,739 


22,110 


Massachusetts, 


48,745 


126,742 


70,360 


98,306 


SHchis^an, . . . 


74.604 


91,521 


55.805 


80.819 


Minnesota, . . . 


17,375 


25,060 


29.543 


34,887 


^Missouri, . . • . 


31.678 


72,750 


40.958 


62,187 


Nevada 


6,594 


9.826 


4,065 


5,'20a 


New Hampshire, . 


32.871 


30.400 


37,262 


39,785 


New Jersey, . . 


68.024 


60.723 


67,468 


51,114 


New York, . . , 


361.986 


308,735 


373,029 


325,099 


Ohio, . . . . . 


205,508 


265,154 


240.622 


243,605 


Oregon, . ' . . . 


8.457 


9.888 


11.789 


10,580 


Pennsylvania, . . 


276.316 


296,391 


267.751 


206.824 


Rhode Island, . . 


8,718 


14,349 


5,658 


9,767 


Vermont, . . . 


13,321 


42,419 


11,510 


31,694 


West Virginia, 


10,438 


23,152 


13,393 


14,674 


"Wisconsin, , . . 


65.884 


83,458 


65,883 


72 470 


Total, . . . 


1,811,754 


2,223,035 


1,985,291 


2,032,201 



A few very obvious deductions are to be made from 
this table, M'hich the reader will not allow to escape 
him. They are : — 



LOOKING AHEAD. 213 

1. That, whereas Mr. Lincoln's majority on the 
popular vote in 1864 was 411,281, the republican 
majority in these same States at the last general 
election in each, was only 40,910. 

2. That, whereas it would have required a change 
of 205,641 votes (on the popular, not electoral vote) 
in 1864, from the republican to tlie democratic side, 
to have elected General McClellan instead of Mr. 
Lincoln, a like change of only 23,456 votes is all that 
is needful now to elect Horatio Seymour over Gren- 
eral Grant in these States, supposing that in no State 
has there been any change in political sentiment 
since the holding of its last general election. 

3. That, wdiereas the Republicans, with Mr. Lin- 
coln as their standard-bearer, obtained a popular ma- 
jority in twenty-two of tlie twenty-live States which 
voted in 1864, of these same States at their last gen- 
eral elections, they carried but fifteen, while the Dem- 
ocrats carried ten. It must be borne in mind that 
the remarkable change in political sentiment in this 
country since 1864 did not manifest itself to any great 
extent until the spring of 1867, since which time 
neither Illhiois nor Indiana have held a general elec- 
tion, whence might be decided the political prefer- 
ence of their electors. 

Attention is first asked to the following table, em- 
bracing a list of the Northern States, in which are 
included allbut the ten Southern States (until recently 
denied representation in Congress) with the electoral 
vote to which eacli is entitled, and classified politi- 
cally, in accordance with the preceding table. 



214 



HON. HOKATIO SETMOUE. 



DEMOCRATIC 



States. 



Votes. 



California, 5 

Connecticut, 6 

Delaware, 3 

Kansas, 3 

Kentucky, 11 

Maryland, 7 

Is ew Jersey, 7 

New York, 33 

Oregon, 3 

Pennsylvania, 26 

104 



REPUBLICAN. 

States. Votes. 

Illinois, 16 

Indiana, 13 

Iowa, 8 

Maine, 7 

Massachusetts, 12 

Michigan, 8 

Minnesota, 4 

Missouri, ... 11 

Nebraska,* 3 

Nevada, 3 

New Hampshire, 5 

Ohio, 21 

Rhode Island, 4 

Tennessee,* 10 

Vermont, 5 

West Virginia, 5 

Wisconsin, 8 

143 

[* Note. — The above table includes the States of Tennessee and 
Nebraska, which were not represented in the electoral college of 
1864.] 

It is clear, fr(^m the above, that were no changes 
to be made next fall in the votes as recorded in the 
first table, and were Tennessee and Xebraska to con- 
tinue republican, Horatio Seymour would be de- 
feated in these States by twenty electoral votes, a 
majority of their electoral votes ^eing 124. And 
here comes an important element in the calculation 
which as yet has not been mentioned. The drift of 
public sentiment for the last year and a half or two 
years has been against the republican party and in 
favor of the democratic party. In the spring of 
18o7 the republican majority in Xew Hampshire 
was materially reduced, and less than a month later 
the Democrats .carried Connecticut; in August they 
carried California; in October they elected their 



LOOKING AHEAD. 



215 



candidates in Pennsylvania and Ohio, and re- 
dnced the republican majority in Iowa ; in 
!N^oveniber they carried Kevv York, New Jersey, 
and Kansas, and reduced the republican majorities 
in several other States. In the spring of 1868 tliey 
still fm'ther reduced the republican majority in 'Nevf 
Hampshire, and nearly doubled their own majority 
in Connecticut. If these facts indicate any thing, it 
is that for eighteen months past a revulsion in polit- 
ical sentiment has been workins; in favor of the Dem- 
ocrats, whence it seems not unreasonable to infer 
that certain of* the States credited to the Republicans 
in the table last given, may cast their vote for Sey- 
mour and Blair next IS'ovember. These States, with 
the electoral vote to which.they are entitled, are : 

Illinois, 16 

Indiana, 13 

New Hampshire, 5 

Ohio, 21 

Total, .5? 

Such a change as this — and it is not improbable — 
would make the next electoral vote of the ]N^orthern 
States stand as follows : — 



Tor Seymour. * "Vote. 

California 5 

Connecdcut 6 

Delaware 3 

Illinois 16 

Indiana 13 

Kansas 3 

KentucAj II 

Maryland 7 

New Hampshire 5 

New Jersey 7 

New York 33 

Ohio. 21 

Oregon 3 

Pennsylvania 26 



Total 



.159 



For GtRANt. Yote. 

Iowa 8 

Maine 7 

Massachusetts 12 

Michigan 8 

Minnesota -4 

Missouri 11 

Nebraska 3 

Nevada 3 

Rhode Island 4 

Ten nessee 10 

Vermont 5 

West Virginia 5 

Wisconsin 8 

88 



21G 



HON. nOPwATIO SEYMOUR. 



Should the Democrats carry the States accredited 
to them in the above table thej would elect Horatio 
Seymour, even though all the Southern States, with 
their seventy electoral votes, should be carried for 
Grant. And now the question is, Will General 
Gi-ant obtain a majority in each of the Southern 
States ? At first thought, one would answer. Yes ; 
upon reflection, one would be less positive. At best, 
it is impossible to render a definite decision. Fig- 
ures in this instance afford no liffhtV Yet, as a 
matter of record, we append the latest returns of 
elections in these States, premising that those marked 
with a star {^) are returns of the vote for and against 
a State Convention, the rest being the votes for or 
against the new State constitutions. The Democrats 
voted against both and the Republicans for them. 



State. Dem. 

Virginia* 61,887 

North Carolina 7 1,820 

South Carolina 27,288 

Georgia 71,309 

Alabama 1,005 

Florida 9,491 

Louisiana 48,To9 

Texas* 11,440 

Mississippi* 6,277 

Arkansas 26,597 



Eep. 
107,342 
92,590 
70,758 
80,007 
69,807 
14,520 
66,152 
44,689 
69,739 
27,913 



^Notwithstanding these figures, there is good 
reason for believing that upon a fair election a 
conservative majority can be obtained in Virginia, 
Georgia, Alabama, Texas, Mississippi, and Kansas ; 
in fact, the Conservatives have just carried Missis- 



LOOKING AHEAD. 



217 



sippi by a large majority. Of the ten Southern 
States, the following have, by recent acts of Con- 
gress, been admitted to representation in Congress, 
and, hence, will be entitled to representation in the 
electoral college : Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Geor- 
gia, Louisiana, J^orth Carolina, and South Carolina. 
It is probable that the remaining States of Virginia, 
Texas, and Mississippi also will be admitted by Con- 
gress, thus entitling all to participate in the Presi- 
dential election. Upon a fair vote, the result would 
probably stand thus : — 



For Seymour. 



Vote. 



Tirginia 10 

Georgia 9 

Alabama 8 

Texas 6 

Mississippi •? 

Arkansas 5 



45 



Foe Grant. 



Vote. 



North Carolina 9 

South Carolina 6 

Florida 3 

Louisiana 1 

25 



These votes, together with those credited to the 
Northern States in a previous table, foot up as fol- 
lows : — 

For Horatio Seymour 204 

For Ulysses S. Grant 113 

Majority for Seymour 91 

Necessary for election 159 



But all such calculations pertaining to the South- 
ern States are idle in view of the fact that the Re • 
publicans in those States hold all the offices, have it 
in their power, by provision of the latest reconstruction 

10 



218 HON. HORATIO SEYMOIJK. 

acts and their new State constitutions, to order a new 
registration of votes prior to the Presidential elec- 
tion, from which registry they can exclude whom 
they choose, and from their decision there can be no 
appeal. It is possible that Seymour and Blair may 
carry some of these States, but more than probable 
that all of them will be carried for Grant and Culfax. 
The battle, then, is to be fought in the Northern 
States, and the main battle-ground will be the States 
of New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and 
Illinois. These — all these — the Democrats must 
carry or General Grant will be the next President ; 
if they do carry them Horatio Seymour will be 
elected. 

We need go no further. Ingenuity may so com- 
bine the figures which have been given as to elect 
Seymour or elect Grant, according to the political 
preference of the calculator. Such is not our pur- 
pose. On the contrary, the aim has been to present 
in a clear light the chances which each party has for 
success, and leave each reader to determine for him- 
self, after careful examination, his own opinion of 
the result of the Presidential election. 






r;^^ 




P-icliardsoiL and Company- 



LIFE OF 
GEIsTEEAL FEAKCIS P. BLAIE, JE. 



CHAPTER I. 

HIS BIETH, BOYHOOD, AND EAELY HISTORY. 

In- tliis country we have not permitted the growth 
of any families with special privileges apart from the 
rest of the community ; yet it is notable that by 
mere force of character, or special aptitude for some 
department of public life, there have been several 
families all the members of which have become 
eminent. 

The most noted of these is the Adams family, of 
which we now have the example of four generations 
of public men, all of whom have evinced a decided 
genius for diplomatic and legislative careers. There 
is no doubt that the younger scions of this house are 
well able to maintain the reputation so justly ac- 
corded to the elder branches. Then we have the ex- 
ample of the brothers Wash burne, all of them active 
politicians and filling offices of public trust and 
honor, though none of them quite reach the rank of 



220 GEN. FRAl^^K P. BLAIK, JR. 

first-class statesmen. In our own day the Lelands, 
Stetsons, and Colemans are noted for their success in 
hotel keeping, — some ten members, I believe, of the 
Leland family being proprietors of leading hotels in 
different cities of the country. 

The Blair family are also among the most marked 
of these members of what Dr. Holmes has called 
the "Brahmin class." Francis P. Blair is always 
known as a politician and editor, was never suspect- 
ed of any act inconsistent with personal honor. He 
was an able journalist, a shrewd adviser, and a 
sagacious observer of the tendencies of his times. 
His son, Montgomery Blair, is a statesman of no 
mean repute. He has wide political experience, 
great personal address, and is noted for his earnest- 
ness and vigor of character. He is suggestive, keen- 
ly sensitive to the tendencies of the times, and what- 
ever criticism there has been on his conduct is due to 
the irritating effect which a man of great genius and 
high susceptibility, and keenly conscious of the in- 
fluence of passing events, has upon his more sluggish 
and unimpressible associates. General Frank P. 
Blair, Jr., however, is a person of still more marked 
peculiarities. His most salient quality is his positive 
type of character. He is a man of rare courage, 
moral and physical. 

It is the misfortune of our institutions that men 
of pluck and pronounced views are apt to be set 
aside in our political contests for an accommodating, 
compromising, calculating, and conciliating race of 
politicians. In our close contests, national and local, 
it is too often deemed prudent to select as candidates 



A STATESMAN. 221 

for office merely negative men, politicians without 
salient features of character, against whom nothing 
can be said, who have the tact to conceal views 
which may be objectionable to their own party, or 
to that undecided portion of the other party which 
it is possible to win over. We have had only one 
Jackson among all our Presidents, and such of our 
leading statesmen as have had pronounced views of 
their own have invariably been set aside when high 
offices were at stake, for men of much less force and 
genius, but who were more available. General Blair 
belongs to a type of statesmen whom it is desirable 
to retain in our public councils. With distinct views 
of public policy, never wavering in any set of opin- 
ions which have once been formed — for he stands to- 
day upon the same ground precisely on which he 
stood when he commenced his free-soil campaign in 
Missouri — General Blair is yet statesman enough to 
adapt himself to the varying phases of public opin- 
ion. One of the most curious results of the late 
civil war, was the damage it inflicted upon the law- 
yers and.,politicians who took a leading part in the 
conflict. Nearly all the Southern statesmen to whom 
were given independent commands, failed utterly in 
the field. The same is true of the Northern politi- 
cians who entered the ranks hoping to gain military 
glory for use in future political contests. It is need- 
less to recite here the careers of Sickles, Banks, But- 
ler, and the host, of other politicians. General 
Frank P. Blair, Jr., alone, of the men who had been 
noted previous to the rebellion, came out of the war 
not only with his name untarnished, but with a great 



222 GEN. FKANK P. BLAIR, JR. 

and honest addition to his deserved reputation. 
The conciliating, procrastinating, and comj^romising 
temper which is begotten in our political contests, 
gave our public men a habit of mind which entirely 
unfitted them for the ruder conflicts of war. The 
success of General Blair shows him to be of an en- 
tirely different type from the usual run of politicians. 
His boldness, his directness, his force of character, 
his promptness in emergencies, his knowledge of the 
salient points of the opposing force, are precisely 
the qualities which make good generals, and hence 
he succeeded when nearly all the others had failed. 
But this boldness of character, positiveness of view 
has been tempered by family influences and by his 
education in public life, so that even if he were 
elected to the highest ofiice in the gift of the people, 
there would be no fear that this shrewd, brave soldier 
and statesman would do any thing to compromise his 
reputation or imperil the liberties of his country. 

Francis Preston Blair, Jr., was born in the town 
of Lexington, Kentucky, on the 19th of February, 
in the year 1821, and is consequently now in his 
forty-eighth year. To these years, full of significant 
events, in which his force has always made him a 
leader, it is our purpose to direct attention. Unlike 
the Republican commander and candidate for the 
Presidency, General Blair has a name long known 
in those who bore it before him, and the subject of 
no conjecture now. Descended from the Blairs of 
Maryland on one side, and from the Prestons of Vir- 
ginia on the other side, his father, Francis P. Blair, 
Sr., moved to the State of Kentucky only a few years 



HIS BOYHOOD. 223 

before tlie birth of bis son and namesake, and was 
even then a man of marked ability as a debater and 
lawyer. With a devotion to the Democratic party 
which has never faltered, and with a peculiar family 
preference for asserting its principles in its career 
of some commanding leader who would embody them 
in Government, the elder Blair, in Kentucky, be- 
came the warmest and ablest champion Andrew 
J.ackson had in that then stronghold of the Whig 
power, where the name and the fame of Henry Clay 
were a subject of veritable idolatry. 

The first seven years of young Francis' life were 
passed in Lexington, and while he was just emerging 
from infancy into mere boyhood, we may be sure 
that the exciting tides of political debate in the tri- 
angular Crawford-Jackson-Adams campaign, run- 
ning with a violence to which the present furnishes 
no parallel, did not pass unnoticed by him. Contro- 
versy and courage in him bred in the bone, and 
bounding in. the blood, were stimulated by the un- 
conscious influences of partisanism that raged all 
across '' the dark and bloody ground." Before he 
could realize their meaning, his home became the 
center of the astutest combinations, and the resort 
of the ablest men of the period. All the tendency 
which extraordinary events and the association of 
extraordinary men have to impress, was impressed 
on Frank P. Blair, Jr., from his earliest youth. In 
this fact we can see the reason for the depth of his 
convictions, for his intuitive aptitude and fondness for 
public life, and for the easy rapidity with which he 



224 GEN. FRANK P. BLAIR, JR 

stepped out among statesmen from liis very first en- 
trance into politics. 

Absorbed as his father was as a man of affairs, he 
yet found or made time to superintend the education 
of his son. In the acquisition of the fundamental 
branches of learning, the boy displayed a precocity 
and an application which were thought remarkable 
even in a remarkable family. History, language, 
and mathematics were his favorite studies. Blessed 
with a constitution and a body that kept even pace 
with the development of his mind, prolonged mental 
labor did him no bodily harm. In this he was en- 
couraged by the counsel and example of his father, 
who was careful to impress on him the necessity of 
curbing a facility which a very retentive memory 
gave him to learn by rote those studies requisite to 
be mastered in their relations and in their reasons. 
To show the tendency of Frank '^ to strike out for 
himself," it is related that when only a boy of nine, 
he employed a midsummer vacation in thoroughly 
absorbing a Latin grammar, and in characteristically 
launching into Horace before he had begun the pri- 
mary period of Csesar. 

In common with all Kentuckians, he became a 
proficient in riding and shooting before he was much 
more than the height of a rifle. Both accomplish- 
ments indicated the practical daring -form of his 
tastes. Both have stood him well in the subsequent 
career, whose opulent opportunities could then not 
even be guessed. 

Events were preparing for his translation to a 
larger theater of life. Upon the accession of General 



HIS SCHOLASTIC DISCIPLINE. 225 

Andrew Jackson to the Presidency, lie gathered at 
tlie capital a community of his most eminent adhe- 
rents, to sustain the labors, if not to share the rewards 
of his illustrious administration. Among them was 
lion. F. P. Blair, Sr., who became the confidential 
adviser of the warrior-statesman, and to whom the 
vindication and annunciation of the policy of the 
Executive were committed in the responsible conduct 
of the Globe newspaper, the organ of the party in 
power. 

With the father came the son. ]N"ot yet in his 
teens, this keen observer was now at the capital of 
the countr}^, at a time when his perceptive and re- 
ceptive powers were putting forth their first exer- 
cises. Of this perilous period it were interesting to 
write, yet we must skip it in a paragraph. Blair, 
the boy, must yield to the consideration of Blair, the 
man. Only this we can state ; young Frank certainly 
became the favorite of Andrew Jackson, who rarely 
unbent to children. That stanch patriot and game 
fighter fought his battles over again to the boy on 
his knee, and was known to keep even embassadors 
in waiting till he had finished a narration to the 
listening son of his trusted friend. 

Five busy years passed pleasantly in Washington, 
with study of books the rule, and study of great men 
all around him, the not infrequent exception ; at 
fifteen, young Blair was ready for college. He was 
sent to Princeton, ]^ew Jersey, and when just beyond 
nineteen, graduated with very high honors in his 
class. The venerable and recently retired President, 
John MacLean, at that time Yice-Presideilt of 

10* 



226 GEN. FRANK P. BLAIR, JR. 

^Nassau Hall, bears testimony to this day, to the assi- 
duity, courtesy, and temperance of the student, and 
is fond of asserting that at the time of his graduation 
in 1840, he was quick to predicate a distinguished, 
career for young Blair. Nothing worthy of remark 
occurred during his collegiate course, except a notice- 
able fondness for oratory, and an unusual popularity 
with his classmates. 



CHAPTER II. 

HIS PROFESSIONAL AND EARLY POLITICAL CAREER 

HE LEADS THE FRiEE SOIL MOVEMENT. 

After graduation, two years were consumed in the 
study of the law, under the direction of his father, 
in Montgomery County, Maryhmd, near the capital of 
the United States, and seeking Kentucky for that 
purpose, he was, in 1843, admitted to the bar of 
the Supreme Court of that State, in Lexington, his 
native town. At that time it was for some months 
an open question with him, whether to become a 
Washington lawyer, whose life is prolific of quiet 
fees, but barren of adventure and of the romance 
of the profession, or to settle down in some larger 
Eastern or Southern city, and pursue the plodding 
path of an attorney. ]N^either course was resolved 
upon. Washington was the field, as now, of gen- 
tlemen of the lono: robe. It brous-ht from all States 
the ablest advocates, but could show few very able 
resident pleaders and counselors. The tendency 
of the talented and the young was toward the 
West. Thither the most ambitious and enterpris- 
ing took their course. To St. Louis went Frank 
P. Blair, Jr., and set up as " Attorney and Counsel- 
or-at-Law." But it was not in the nature of the 
man to keep his light under a bushel, nor napkin bis 



223 GEN. FRANK P. BLAIR, JR. 

talent under ground. He became known at once, in 
that growing city, as a '^ man of mark." The frst 
year or two cases were few, but of those he had, Mr. 
Blair made so much by appeal and constant, charac- 
teristic combat, as to command in months a reputa- 
tion usually acquired by years of hard labor. His 
directness, his penchant for the substantial justice 
of equity, rather than its tortuous tides of ancient 
law, were abundantly satisfied by the admirable re- 
tention Missouri made of that fine feature of Gallic 
government, the Code Napoleon. Tliis system allows 
of no red tape knots, and dispenses with all cir- 
cumstantial delays, while it preserves all the whole- 
some axioms and wise prescriptions of the common 
law. The kind of practice it enforces was admirably 
adapted to the taste and temperament of our subject, 
and he soon became known as a pleader of no com- 
mon power. 

Yet in a sense the incidents of professional life in 
St. Louis were insufficient for the ambition, and a 
restraint upon the felt powers of Mr. Blair, young 
as he was. A frontier city was prolific of many 
phases of life, and photographed many kinds of 
character, yet the scope of these contests and their 
consequent reputation were quite local. We can 
credit the assertion, then, that as an attorney, young 
Blair chafed at the narrow limits of his legal life. 
He longed for more stirring scenes. Yet with a 
patience equal to his pluck afterward, he waited his 
time and did what he had to do conscientiously and 
well. The few leading lawyers between the Wabash 
and the Mississippi at that time could be counted on 



A KISING MAN. 229 

one's fingers. In Indiana, Thomas A. Hendricks; 
in Illinois, Browning, Douglas, and Abraham Lin- 
coln, and in Missom-i, Edward Bates, were all in that 
region of pronounced ability, and some of these owed 
quite as much to eccentricity as they did to excel- 
lence. These, while young Blair did not essay to 
rival he certainly did not fear, and they regarded 
him as a man, who by a few years of energy, had 
almost reached a plane to which they had struggled 
through half a lifetime. Mr. Bates, the most emi- 
nent professional of all named was kindness itself to 
our subject, and was not more gratified at his own 
success than in predicating it of his young friend. 

It was plain, however, that Frank P. Blair, Jr., 
had not reached his proper place. Law with him. as 
it has been with many other of our public leaders, 
was calculated to prove an excellent preparatory step 
to a larger sphere of events. Born to be a leader of 
men, fitted to be a man of afi'airs, it is not unnatural 
that he was restive of the restraint of courts. His 
time was coming. The war w^ith Mexico was the 
mao-net that drew him out. Of theorio^in and cause 
of that dispute it is not necessary to write now. It 
only needs to say that we of the remoter East can 
not understand how popular that contest was, in the 
South and West. The call for volunteers was promptl^r 
responded to by Frank Blair, who closed up his 
ofiice, transferred or settled his cases, and enlisting 
under the standard of Sterling Price, who won in 
that war the reputation as a leader, which he more than 
vindicated in larger and later conflict, was appointed 
a lieutenant in the infantry rifles; less than two 



230 GEN. FEANK P. BLAIE, JR. 



months of 1846 had elapsed before he was one of the 
army of Zachary Taylor, and prominent in all the 
battles from Palo Alto to Beuna Yista. Of his 
specific efforts in the Mexican war, the term of 
service was too brief, the succession of contests too 
rapid, and the subsequent campaign of Scott from 
the Gulf coast, inward, too furious in its fortunes 
and distracting in its details, to demand a lengthened 
reproduction here. As an ofiicer of the army of the 
frontier, however, it is on record that Frank Blair 
was criticised for too much impetuosity, and that not 
even the swiftness of those bloody battles was enough 
for his spirit. He commanded the confidence of his 
superiors, and was twice excejjtionally commended 
to General Taylor by General Price, " for gallantry 
and soldierly conduct," respectively, after the strug- 
gles at Monterey and Resaca de la Palma. 

When the star of Scott rose above the horizon, 
many of the "year troops," under that old chief, pre- 
ferred the activities of home to the monotonous pros- 
pect of mere guard duty, should they re-enlist, and 
home they came. Among them was Lieutenant 
Frank P. Blair. He reached St. Louis, after a short 
and brilliant service, in the first part of 1848. His 
reputation as a thorough officer and a furious fighter 
had reached the citv of his residence, in advance of 
his return. A brilliant future lay ahead. The 
avenue of law opened wider and more invitingly 
than ever. But moi'e offered. He who had helped 
the country deserved well of the State. Public life 
allured him. At this time Blair did an act which 
showed the independence of his mind, and his devo- 



A FKEE-SOILEE. 231 

tion to political conviction in the face of all adverse 
tendency of men and of the times. This act was the 
positive identification of himself with the Van Buren 
Free-Soil party of 184S.. It mattered not to him that he 
was born in one slave State and domiciled in another. 
Convinced that slavery was economically, socially, 
and morally an evil, opposed to the spirit of the age 
and to the best interests of white and black alike, he 
pronounced against its further extension into free ter- 
ritory, and held, with that other great Missourian, 
Thomas Hart Benton, that it was purely a creature 
of local law. He foresaw with the prescience of a 
statesman that if not done away with by voluntary 
legislation, the system would plunge the whole na- 
tion into fratricidal strife. His remedy was, first, to 
stop its extension into free territory ; second, to ex- 
tinguish it in each State by the voluntary gradual 
abolition of it, with compensation to owners, by the 
government of each State. There he stood, and on 
that issue he fought, in the face of opposition, pro- 
scription, and even of violence. Mr. Yan Buren was 
defeated, and under Mr. Fillmore, who succeeded 
General Taylor, was passed the fugitive-slave bill, 
which, with coincident legislation, marked the induc- 
tion of the era which viewed slavery as national in 
its rights of recognition and migration. Through all 
those three years, Mr. Blair was the leader of the 
Free-Soil party in Missouri. What with the increasing 
numbers and the yielding sentiment of the city of St. 
Louis, a large portion of it became confirmed in the 
then anomalous faith. 

Upon the opening of the Pierce-Scott campaign of 



232 GEN. FRANK P. BLAIR, JK. 

1851-52, Mr. Blair was chosen to the State Assembly 
of Missouri, and at that time his official political life 
may be said to have begun. In the Les^islature of 
his adopted State he served two full terms, from 1852 
to 1856, and fearlessly asserted the distinctive princi- 
ples of the minority he represented. lie was by all 
admitted to be leader of the opposition, yet his strict 
attention to the local interests of his city and county 
won him the esteem, as his manliness did the respect, 
of every voter. During this exciting time he steadily 
threw his influence and voice against the repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise and against the Lecompton Con- 
stitution of Kansas. ^ 
- In 1856, closing his legislative services, Mr. Elaif 
was advanced higher. From that date till the end 
of 1862, through three successive terms, he represented 
the St. Louis district in the House of Representatives, 
each time by deeided and increasing majorities. His 
career in the National Legislature is familiar to the 
country. He was the leader of the Kepublican party 
in the House from the Northwest. As a debater he 
was the peer of any. As a worker, few were his 
equals. As a practical man he was prominent, and as 
an incorruptible representative was known as much 
by his associates as he was by his constituents. IliS 
identilication with the leading articles of legislation 
of the Republican party, so long as it confined itself 
to the opposition to the extension of human slavery, 
and to non-interference with it in the States, is a mat- 
ter of history. One project especially of Mr. Blair's; 
startled the country at the time, but commanded the 
assent of the leading thinkers of the period. It was 



HIS ABLE SPEECH IN CONGKESS. 233 

this : In 1858 General Blair delivered^ from his seat 
in the House, a very elaborate and able speech, prac- 
tically proposing to end the slavery agitation by 
speedily and equitably ending the institution itself. 
His plan was to concentrate and colonize the black 
population then in servitude, in some suitable south- 
ern point, as the preventive of threatened mischief. 
His measure, and the argument he used to support it, 
commanded the assent at that time of the leading: 
statesmen of the abolition party, ^orth and West. 
Gerritt Smith, Theodore Parker, and others hailed it 
with cordial letters of thanks, as a happy harbinger 
of deliverance. Judge Truiiibull, Judge "Wade, Abra- 
ham Lincoln, in fact the whole Republican party, 
embraced the proposition. 

The South was not then in a mood to accept this 
plan as a cure for the terrible malady which th 
sword was finally invoked to eradicate. 



tne 



CHAPTER III. 

HIS WAR RECORD. 

Lincoln tried, in the midst of war, the same experi- 
ment which General Blair had advocated in peace, but 
his own party woiild not support him. The begin- 
ning of the rebellion reveals to us the most distin- 
guished, varied, and brilliant services General Blair 
has ever, in his career, rendered to the country. 
We are apt to think that the late contest, which rose 
to its highest tide-mark at Gettysburg, and finally 
was lost at Appomattox Court-IIouse, was first fore- 
seen and first opposed in the East. The red lane 
hewn through Baltimore, April 19th, was indeed the 
first blood shed after Sumter opened the ball. But 
to Frank P. Blair is due the credit of having been 
the very earliest to enroll in the defense of the Union. 
At once, following the election and preceding the 
inauguration of President Lincoln, Mr. Blair per- 
ceived, in advance of his party, that the South 
meant war, and that the western objective point 
would be the State of Missouri, the last of the slave, 
and the farthest of the border, States. The Admin- 
istration of the State was committed to officials of 
secession sentiments. Though a majority of the 
people, counting in all classes, were in favor of the 



HE ENROLLS A REGIMENT. 235 

Union, the wealth and property of the common- 
wealth leaned the other way, and the party that 
struck the first blow would carry the day. Frank 
Blah* , resolved to strike that first blow when the 
time was ripe, and save the State to the Union. 
Early in February, 1861, he secretly enrolled a full 
regiment of Federal volunteers, drilled them him- 
self, and armed and uniformed them with his credit. 
They were 1,000 strong, were duly and fully offi- 
cered, and were in the highest state of efficiency. 
How trustworthy the men were, can be told from 
the fact that ten hundred disciplined soldiers suc- 
ceeded in keeping their organization a profound 
secret, and in meeting regularly and unnoticed in tlie 
heart of a hostile population, though environed by spies 
from the enemy, who were more openly organizing. 
A capacity for organization, a knowledge of men, a 
practical prescience such as this indicated, are attri- 
butes that mark the born soldier, and attributes such 
as General Blair demonstrated at the very beginning 
of the rebellion, and magnified to its close. This 
force was the very first organization armed against 
the rebellion as such. Its first enlisted man was 
Frank P. Blair, who wrote himself down private, 
and who was afterward regularly elected colonel. 

When Washington was threatened, and when 
Baltimore had been bloodily traversed, before the 
Federals had established communication between 
the Korth and the Capital, and while the flushed 
Southern armies looked upon it as a fruit ripe to 
fall in their lap, the friends of the Confederacy 
were not less active or less daring in Missouri. 



236 GEN. FRANK P. BLAIE, JE. 

Claiborne Jackson was Governor ; a wily, able, en- 
ergetic man. Sterling Price was chief commander 
of the State Guard, a man of consummate ability, 
and veritably idolized by the young blood and the 
old culture of the State. Passive Unionists there 
were many. Active Unionists were confined to 
Frank Blair's Congressional corner in St. Louis. 

Within seven days after the President's first call 
for troops, Col. Blair's already formed body of men 
were in the field and accepted as the First Missouri 
Regiment, while four others were in rapid formation. 
On the day succeeding the proclamation, April 20, the 
Western State Arsenal, at Liberty, Clay County, 
Missouri, was seized and sacked by the Confederate 
agents, who led on a small but sufiicient force for 
that purpose. Arrangements were projected to seize 
the Federal arsenal at St. Louis. To this end, a 
force of the State Guard rendezvoused at Camp 
Jackson, near the city, under the command of Brig- 
adier-General D. M. Frost. They afiected peace. 
Time, location, every thing, however, showed they 
meant business. The arsenal was filled with valu- 
able ordnance, arms, and ammunition, and was 
guarded by but a few hundred regulars, under Cap- 
tain Lyon. On the night of the 25th of April, most 
of the arms were secretly conveyed to Alton, and 
thence to Springfield, Illinois, and on May 10th, Col. 
Blair and Captain Lyon surrounded Camp Jackson 
and secured the surrender of the place with its 
munitions. The captures comprised 20 cannon, 
1,200 new rifles, several cases of muskets, and large 
quantities of ammunition, together with the whole 



HIS niOMPT ENERGY. 237 

force, near 3,000 militia, there gathered. The move- 
ment was planned by Colonel Blair, who contributed 
to its execution the whole force under his command, 
and who accompanied it to the field, and put himself 
in conjunction w^ith the more experienced regulars 
of Captain Lyon. The result was bloodless, but of 
very great importance. The cause of the Confeder- 
acy was from that moment on the wane in Missouri. 
The State was welded by force to the Union. In 
less than forty days thereafter, the battle of Boone- 
ville, in which General Blair's troops, but not him- 
self — he being in Washington — took principal part, 
left the secession Governor a fugitive, and his in- 
coherent, half-armed forces demoralized. Only such 
a prom2:>t putting the foot down would have secured 
Federal ends in that State. For this thoroughness 
and expedition, the country has to thank General 
Blair. The country did thank him. It rang with 
his praise. The President and Secretary of AVar 
testified their warmest indebtedness to him. He was 
constituted a Brigadier-General at once, and re- 
sponded with his brigade with unequaled prompti- 
tude, and in full numbers. The troops accepted 
with eagerness, were merged into General Lyon's 
army, and did v\^ell at th-e gallant but unsuccessful 
battle of Wilson Creek, where their commander lost 
his life. At this time General Blair was unable to 
take The field, because his presence was needed in 
Congress as Chairman of tlie Military Committee of 
the House. The energy he infused into the cam- 
paigns of 1861 and 1862 can never be forgotten. 
He it was who drafted the bills calling for the sup- 



238 GEN. FRANK P. BLAJR, JR. 

plies of the 500,000 men proclaimed for, soon after 
the disaster at Bull Run. As the Chairman of the 
most important Committee of the House, at the most 
perilous period of our recent history, his labors wore 
herculean. On him devolved the military appropri- 
ation bills. He was in constant intercourse with 
the Generals, the President, the Secretary of War, and 
the thousand and one persons, by office or officious- 
ness interested in the equipment of our field forces. 
Mr. Blair allowed himself no time for oratory. lie 
wislied to expedite the military business of the 
House, in order to hasten his return to the field. 
Only one notable occasion called him out. It was to 
refute the idea that President Lincoln had *' hurri- 
caned " General Scott into the battle of Bull Run 
before the latter was ready. In the same connection 
General Blair predicted, at that early day, with pro- 
phetic accuracy, what would be the plan of the 
Confederates during the ensuing rebellion. How 
truly events bore out this statement: " They desire 
to make the whole of this war within the Border 
States, so as to let the Cotton States escape scot-free 
— not only free from Scott, but from all other gen- 
erals. They wish to enjoy their quietude so that 
they may raise their cotton ; that they may hold it 
out as a bribe to foreign nations to break our block- 
ade." Remember, these words were uttered just 
after the battle of Bull Run, when the purposes of 
the Confederate chief were all conjecture, and when 
Mr. Blair's theory was offset in many minds by a 
belief that the Southerners would pursue a Fabian 
policy, and woo our armies far South to their own 



A MAJOE-GENERAL OF VOLUIS'TEEES. 230 

destruction. That Mr. Blair divined the purposes 
of the rebellion while it was yet inchoate, will 
exhibit his forecast in no inconsiderable degree. 

Congress sat very late that year, and Congressman 
Blair's labors were unremitting. On November 29, 
1862, President Lincoln promoted him to be Major- 
General of Volunteers, and he at once set out for the 
army of the West, under Grant. That officer as- 
signed General Blair to a command of a brigade in 
the division of General Frederick Steele, then station- 
ed at Helena, Arkansas. To stay in camp during the 
winter months was disappointing to expectation, and 
after the reverses in the East, was not encouraging. 
But a better prospect was in store ; at least a more 
animated one was at hand. General Steele's division 
was spoiling for a fight, and of the division none were 
more eager than the brigade of General Blair. The 
work before them was none other than the attempted 
reduction of Yicksburg by assault. On the 20th of 
I September, 18G2, General Slierman embarked from 
Memphis with the right wing of the Thirteenth Corps, 
for the mouth of the Yazoo Kivxr, to begin the contem- 
plated movement. The division of General Steele, 
comprising the brigades of Generals F. P. Blair, Jr., 
C. E. Hovey, John M. Thayer, and C. W. Dayman, 
was taken on at Helena, and the whole force rendez 
voused at Friar's Point, on the Mississippi, just 
below Helena. 

In considering the important part borne by General 
Blair in this unsuccessful yet well;sustained assault, 
it will be necessary to view correlatively the situa- 
tion at that place. Sherman embarked to take 



24:0 GEN. FKANK P. BLAIK, JR. 

Yicksburg, but he hoped to be joined by Grant and 
the army from the banks of the Tennessee, and by 
Banks from Louisiana. JS^either came to hand. The 
sudden capture of his depot of supplies at Holly 
Springs detained Grant. Banks was too busy attend- 
ing receptions at Baton liouge ; Sherman resolved 
to go alone with 42,000 and odd men. Not to sketch 
the other dispositions, it is sufficient to say that 
General Morgan's division led the assault on Yicks- 
burg from the river front, and that General Blair's 
brigade, detached from Steele, was in the van, was in 
fact, what in Napoleonic daj^s were called " The 
Forlorn Hope." Four days had been spent in 
manceuvering, and on the 29th, the assault was made. 
A more spirited attack was never executed. It was 
a literal storming, under a direct and an enfilading 
fire. Behind, the breastworks, however, were found 
the whole of Pemberton's army, from the Blackwater 
which Grant had not succeeded in keeping at bay, 
and our troops had only expected a minimum of 
Confederate defenders. If not outnumbered, the 
Federal forces were equaled by the enemy, besides 
the breastworks, which afterward stood such a pro- 
tracted investiture, and succumbed to hunger, but 
never to assault. In the successive charges made, 
Blair's was the only brigade which reached the 
enemy's parapet, and alone of all the army planted 
its colors, and defended them, within the enemy's 
fortifications, till ordered, not forced, to retire. The 
superb conduct of (general Blair and his special troops 
was the theme and the envy of the whole army of 
the Mississippi. It was the general's magnificent 



AT THE SIEGE OF nCKSBUEG. 241 

bravery and sudden exhibition of tactical skill in 
retiring from a position wbicb be alone bad been im- 
petuous enough to reach, that forced General Grant, 
sufficiently out of his taciturnity to declare him "^he 
ablest volunteer officer in the service." 

Withdrawing his troops from Yicksburg, General 
Blair's brigade, still of General Steele's divisioiA, was 
attached to General McClernand's highly successful 
expedition against Arkansas Post, on the White 
River. This opened the way to Little Eock, and 
into the interior of the State whereof that town was 
the capital. In this engagement General Blair^ 
played a quiet but important part. The division in 
which his troops were, was stationed between the 
rear of the fort and the bayou that skirted it, and 
when Admiral Porter and General Sherman had 
successively shelled and assaulted General Churchill's 
six thousand men out of the intrenchments. General f 
Blair's position in their rear compelled their surrender 
to the attacking force, by cutting ofi* all escape. 

Operations now immediately began against Yicks- 
burg, under the direct command of -General Grant. 
General Sherman was promoted to the command of 
the Fifteenth Corps, and General Blair, though the 
junior Major-General, in the force, succeeded Sherman 
in the charge of the grand second division of that 
corps. Within the limits of this biography it is im- 
possible to trace minutely the responsible and bril- 
liant services of General Blair, during the 109 days of ^ 
that remarkable siege. He was the right-hand man 
of Sherman, who was the most trusted assistant of 

the General-in-Chief; always on hand, sharing from 
11 



242 GEN. rKAN:K: p. blair, jr. 

principle the fatigues of his men, ever soliciting, 
following where he himself always did the leading, 
he became the idol of his force, and shared the entire 
confidence of his associates and superiors. Through- 
out the famous three days' march of Sherman's army in 

"detour behind Yicksburg, it is remarkable that Blair's 
di\dsion always was in the advance. In the final 
assault on the rear works of Yicksburg, July 2d, 
1863, General ^lair led Mower's brigade of his ow^n 
division in person, amid a most tremendous fire, and 
with great loss, yet he planted his colors on the 
enemy's works, and held them there till ordered to 
retire at night-fall. This was the conclusion of the 
whole matter. The next day negotiations began, 
and on the 4th of July Pemberton's's army uncondi- 
tionally surrendered. 

After receiving the published thanks of Generals 
Grant and Sherman, General Blair was allowed the 
leave of absence he had so well won, and he re- 
mained North recruiting his shattered health daring 
the cessation of hostilities that obtained all alons; the 
lines. The 11th of October, 1868, however, found him 
again with Sherman, who appointed him his second 
in command as before. In the march from Yicks- 
burg to Corinth and thence to Tuscumbia, General 
Blair led the advance. Before reaching the latter 
place, his division had a short, sharp, and decisive 
engagement with General Stephen D. Lee's cavalry, 
which he easily drove, entering the town on the 27th 
of October. Meantime, Bragg had invested Rose- 
crans tightly in Chattanooga, and Sherman and 

• Blair set out to raise the siege of that place. 



IN COMMAND OF THE FIFTEENTH CORPS. 243 

Sherman now assumed command of the army of 
the Tennessee, and Blair again followed in his foot- 
steps, taking Sherman's late command of the Fif- 
teenth Corps, at the latter's special request. The 
historical events of that march and of the succeed- 
ing " battle above the clouds," are too recent and . 
too many to receive or require recapitulation hefe. 
General Blair's corps bore no secondary part, and 
shared the honors equally with all their comrades of 
that extraordinary campaign. The degree of desert 
the troops of General Blair acquired under his jconi- 
mand may be inferred from the fact that no sooner 
had Bragg been forced to retreat than General 
Grant, of all his army, selected the tireless and 
trusted Fifteenth Corps to march to the immediate 
relief of Knoxville where Burn side was then hemmed 
in by Longstreet. Before Blair reached the place, 
Longstreet retired in precipitation, and the jaded 
soldiers, who had marched from Memphis to Chatta- 
nooga, fought the battles of Lookout Mountain and 
Missionary Kidge, and then without rest had marched 
to Knoxville and back, were permitted a breathing 
spell. 

Soon after this, the armies went into winter quar- 
ters. On making up his official report. General 
Grant thus spoke of the corps of General Blair : '' I 
can not speak of the Fifteenth Corps without seem- 
ing vanity, but as I am no longer its commander, I 
assert that there is no better body of soldiers in 
America than it, or who have done more or better 
service. I wish all to feel a pride in its real honors." 
At this point General Logan relieved General 



244 GEN. FRANK P. BLAIR, JR. 



Blair of the command of the Fifteenth Corps, in 
accordance with the following order of Major-Gen- 
eral Sherman ; — 



Head-Quarters Department and ARiir op the Tennessee, ) 
Marysvillb, Tennessee, December 1, 1863. ) 

General Order No. 5. — Major- General John A. Logan having 
reported for duty as commander of the Fifteenth Army Corps, will 
assume command thereof and enter upon his duties. Major-General 
F. P. Blair, Jr., now commanding the corps, will, with his assistant 
adjutant-general and present staff, proceed to Chattanooga, and turn 
over to General Logan the records of the corps, when they will 
be relieved from duty with the corps, and report for orders to Major- 
General Grant, commanding the military district of the Mississippi. 

The general commanding avails himself of this opportunity to 
thank General Blair for the zeal, intelligence, courage, and skill with 
which he has handled the corps during the eventful period he has 
commanded it. 

By order of 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

B. M. Sawyer, Assistant Adjutant-General. 



Now that the troops were resting in qnarters, 
General Blair, at the request of President Lincoln, 
resumed his seat in the Congress of 1863, and mate- 
rially assisted the administration by his extraordi- 
nary energy and trained good sense. The accom- 
plished and always successful soldier again approved 
his own great gifts and the flexibility of our institu- 
tions, by quietly becoming the industrious legislator 
and the ready orator, in the interest of those princi- 
ples for which he had battled in the field. 

Eut the Republicans were even then beginning to 
scheme against the President of the United States. 



IN Sherman's grand march. 245 

His request to General Blair to resume his seat in 
Congress, and the agreement to allow \\\?> jpro forma 
resignation of the generalship to remain in abeyance, 
so that General Blair conld resume the command on 
the adjournment of Congress, became the subject of 
a quixotic and unpatriotic examination by an ad- 
ministration committee. They made a report against 
the President's action in the matter, glad of an op- 
portunity to hit at Mr. Lincoln, and tlirongh him, at 
" the ablest volunteer general in the service." The 
President not caring to risk the retention of General 
Blair in the service by any mere teclmicality, nomi- 
nated him anew to be major-general of the volun- 
teers. He was finally confirmed by a bare majority 
of one or two, by the Senate of the Thirty-eighth Con- 
gress. Without waiting, however, for their confir- 
mation. General Blair had already joined Sherman's 
grand army in their march to the sea, and was -in 
command of the Seventeenth Corps, the advance as of 
old, of Sherman's right wing. His corps comprised 
three divisions, commanded respectively by Leggett, 
Mower, and Giles A. Smith. This was after the 
razing of Atlanta. Consequent upon Joe Johnston's 
discreet but not damaging Fabian policy, the "lost 
army " had little to do but to smash their way to 
the sea, and to bisect the Confederacy. How thor- 
oughly they did both is a matter of record, as well 
as the deep and long unrelieved solicitude that 
foUow^ed them on their winding way. Of active 
work, except extraordinary marching, little was 
done. Of co-operative work, how much was done 
can be inferred from the consequent crackling 



21G GEN. FKANK F. BLAIR, JR. 

of the exhausted shell which had been the Southern 
Confederacy, when their march finally terminated on 
the plains of Nortli Carolina. On the approach to 
Savannah, (ieneral Blair had several very active 
skirmishes before the taking of Fort McAllister by 
General Ilazen. But no battle of moment occurred, 
nor did any opportunities present themselves either 
through Georgia or the Carolinas for the display of 
any other qualities than the solid ones of persistence, 
promptness, patience, and admirable disciplinary 
traits. 

On July 11th, the Seventeenth Ctn-ps, which had 
won laurels for itself and its commander, was dis- 
banded at Louisville. Generar Blair took occasion 
to issue a farew^ell address to his force. With modest 
merit he " begged to thank them for the reputation 
which their gallantry had conferred on him." After 
recurring to and recounting the triumphs which the 
troops and their commander had won, he added : ''The 
rebellion has been crushed, but the invasion of our 
sister republic of Mexico, has, in a measure, been 
successful. Can it be said that we have triumph- 
ed, and that our republic has been re-established on 
solid and immovable foundations, so long as the 
lla]>sl)urgs, supported by the bayonets of France, 
maintain themselves in Mexico V He closed by 
spiritedly annunciating his readiness to lead his old 
troops against the oppressors of Mexico so soon as 
the occasion should present. The deposition of Max- 
imilian, and the re-establishment of the Republican 
system in Mexico, happily obviated the necessity of 
any Federal intervention in that country. The Mon- 
roe doctrine had been vindicated by itself. 



CHAPTEE lY. 

\ 

HIS EECENT rOLITICAL HISTORY. 

At the close of the war, General El air for a year 
attended to his private aifairs. They had been dis- 
organized by the war and needed his immediate re- 
arrangement. On the 16th March, 1866, President 
Johnson appointed him to the position of Internarl 
Pevenue Collector at St. Louis, for the district 
which he had so long and so ably represented in 
Congress. The office was one of large responsibility, 
but not of extended emolument. It was in spii'it, 
however, a partial recognition of a brave soldier's 
claims on his country, a soldier who had periled life 
and sacrificed fortune and health in her defense, and 
whose record was only a record of victory. 

Unfortunately, however, for his official advance- 
ment, General Blair had unequivocally identified 
himself with the restoration policy of President Lin- 
coln, inherited and adopted by President Johnson. 
The party in the Senate who banded during the war 
against his confirmation the second time as Major- 
General, was larger now, and on May 3, 1866, 
General Blair's nomination was rejected by a vote of 
8 to 20. General Grant, who was then a pronounced 
conservative, declared his " indignation and sur- 



24:3 GEN. FEANK P. BLATE. JE. 

prise ;" asserted that General Blair " had held Mis- 
souri in the Union by his own hand," and that " then 
and since he had always rendered most important 
service to the country." As Slocum, McClernand, 
Steadman, McClellan, Pratt, and other Union gen- 
erals were successively rejected by the Republican 
Senate, the enormity of General Blair's case grew 
larger in public estimation by the additions it had in 
these other equally illustrious examples. 

At the next election ensuing after the war, in St. 
Louis, General Blair was confronted with the offen- 
sive test oath, adopted by the proscription ists in that 
State. He refused to take it, but offered to swear 
that he was and ever had been loyal to the Consti- 
tution of the United States, and of the State of Mis- 
souri. The oath required a speciiic denial of no less 
than eighty-six ex ^ost facto provisions as not then 
being done or having heen doiie^ and disfranchise- 
ment followed as a refusal to swear to any of them 
or from "the information of any loyal man," im- 
peaching the denial of any voter. This oath ingen- 
iously effected the disfranchisement of nearly every 
Conservative in the State. General Blair, though 
conscientiously able to swear to any number of oaths 
consistently and courageously refused to take the un- 
constitutional obligation, and appealed to the courts. 
Partisan prejudgment affirmed it against him at 
first, but the case is still in appeal ; though on other 
suits, at the instance of lawyers and attorneys, the 
United States Supreme Court have decided, it to be 
unconstitutional. 

Since the war, besides exerting himself profession- 



AS A CONSEEVATIVE. 2i9 

ally, General Blair has labored with iine eifect as a 
speaker for the Conservative cause. His efforts liave 
extended through several States, especially in Con- 
necticut, where Urst set in the reaction wdiich is now 
sweej^ing over the country. 

Having always had a clear purpose in his fighting, 
he maintained it in its unity to the end, and in the 
prosecution of the plans of peace. That object was 
the suppression of the rebellion simply and solely. 
The extinguishment of States, the degradation of 
the white below the black race, the supremacy of 
military over civil power, have received no counte- 
nance from him. Resuming with ripened and ex- 
.panded convictions his position as statesman, and 
adding to it the record second to none, of eminent 
military qualities, he has labored with voice and 
pen as strenuously as he did with the sword to real- 
ize in peace the benefits he felt forced to seek by war. 
So orderly has been his mind, that he has always 
known where to stop. Believing in the negro's 
right to be free, he helped give him his freedom. 
Nothing less would suffice ; nothing more was re- 
quired. Devoted to the Union, zeal and intolerance 
never tided him over into disunion in the name of 
Union. He has never prostituted the name of 
liberty into tyranny, the name of loyalty into pro- 
scription of the white race, the name of anti- 
slavery into the enormities of negro supremacy. 
The issues of the war unaccomplished, made him 
a radical. The issues of the war finally accom- 
plished, left him a conservative. 

To speak of his magnanimity, bravery, and popu- 
11* 



250 GEN. FRANK P. BLAIR, JR. 

larity would only repeat tlie record of his soldierly 
career. Sherman kept him closer to him than his 
own shadow during all the war, and always had him 
for his second in command. His officers loved him : 
his men worshiped him. He was never defeated. 
Successive promotions in rank and power flowed in 
on him. He gave to each advanced responsibility 
a more brilliant discharge than the preceding one. 
'No fraud taints his hands. No tyranny stamps his 
record. 

In war, he was a relentless, sleepless, always victo- 
rious enemy : in peace he has proved a thorough, 
all-forgetting, wholly-trusting, magnanimous friend. 
His record is as consistent as it is patriotic. Those 
w^hom he regards as JSTorthern rebels now, he opposes 
with as much fire and force as he did Southern rebels 
in the past. 

His address is singularly popular and unaffected. 
He is accessible to the humblest, and serene among 
the highest. His personal power almost amounts to 
magnetism. He can mold men to the purpose he 
wishes. Not reticent, he is yet prudent. Em- 
phatically, he possesses that equilibrium of all the 
faculties known as common sense. 

His life has been almost a romance. Converting 
a State to freedom, and then saving it to the Union ; 
the hero of two wars, and deservedly eminent in 
both ; a business man of the highest integrity of 
mind and temperance of habit ; an orator of great 
ability ; a statesman of rare faculty and foresight ; a 
man of indomitable will : his traits are all positive 
to the highest degree. In gameness, in clearness, 



LETTER FEOM 6HEEMAN. 251 

in pureness, in combativeness, in statesmansliip, he 
is a veritable Andrew Jackson. We have given 
his record. Further to reason from it would be 
supererogation. The country knows him, and, above 
all, his comrades in arms revere and love him. 

As a stronger addition than any thing we can say 
in favor of General Blair, and to exhibit the warm- 
estimation he is held in by his comrades in arms, we 
submit the following correspondence : — 

[Copy.] 
GENERAL BLAIR TO GENERAL SHERMAN. 

St. Louis, June 22, 1866. 
Major-Geiteral Sherman:— Bear General, a report was put in 
circulation soon after the battle before Atlanta, on the 2 2d of July, 
1864, by some irresponsible letter- writer, to the effect that the death 
of Maj-Gen. McPherson was the direct result of my mismanagement 
and improper disposition of the troops under my command. This 
report is received and reiterated by persons who are displeased with 
my political sentiments, whenever it promises to give them any 
advantage. 

Every soldier and ofl&cer who served under your orders has a 
right to appeal to you against any injustice sought to be inflicted on 
him while under your command, and as I know that nothiug will be 
more unjust and injurious than this accusation, I ask you to say 
whether there is any foundation, or even color of truth, in the state- 
ment to which I have referred. I have only to add that it is my 
intention to publish your reply to this note. Respectfully, 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

FRANK P. BLAIR, Jr. 



[Copy.] 

GENERAL SHERMAN TO GENERAL BLAIR. 

Head-quarters Mil. Div. op thb Mississippi, ) 
St. Louis, Mo., June 23, 1866. f 

Gen. F. p. Blair, St. Louis, present : 

Dear Gen. — I am this moment in receipt of your note of yester- 
day, in which you state that certain parties differing from you in po- 
litical sentiments, have raised the story that the death of our mutual 
friend, Gen. McPherson, July 22, 1864, resulted from your misman- 
agement and faulty disposition of troops. 



252 GEN. FEANK P. BLAIE, JR. 

It seems impossible to fix a limit to the falsehoods that politicians 
will resort to to accomplish their ends ; but this goes beyond all 
decency. The truth was, and is, that General McPherson in person 
placed in their position the two divisions which composed jour corps, 
the Seventeenth, and instead of refusing the extreme left, he had in 
person extended it forward, and detached a party still more to the 
left and front to secure a position from which he proposed to batter 
the large rolling mill in Atlanta. Having about that time of the 
day, say 10 a. m., received fi'om me a note telling him not to extend 
too far to his left, he left you and came to me, then near the center 
of the general line, and urged on me the importance of using Dodge's 
two divisions, then moving toward that flank, to extend still mors 
your line. I had consented to modify my former orders in part, and 
he was returning to that flank when he was killed. 

You were in no manner the cause, nor was it your business to 
alter the disposition of the troops, just as General McPherson had 
made them himself You had no reason to apprehend danger to your 
left or rear, nor from the' nature of the ground could you have seen 
the movement by which the enemy'§ skirmishers reached the wooded 
space in passing which General McPherson was shot. 

Our miUtary maps are now so perfect and public, and the official 
reports of the facts so full and clear, that I must say it augurs a very 
bad heart to lay this charge to you, from which, as your common 
commander, I exonerate you absolutely. 

"With great respect, 
(Signed) W. T. SHERMAN, Maj.-Gen. 

The unsolicited compliment from Major-General 
Howard below given, e:j^plains itself, as a spontane- 
ous and cliivalrous instance of tlie amenities of arms. 

GENERAL HOWARD TO GENERAL BLAIR. 

Headqrs. Army of the Tennessee, ) 
Petersburg, Ya., May 7, 1865. ) 
Major-General F. p. Blair, 

Commanding Seventeenth Corps : 
My Dear Sir.— Hearing that you intended soon to leave the 
service, I wish to thank you for the genuine kindness and uniform 
hearty support you have ever extended to me, from the time I took 
command, through all the varied and trying circumstances of hard 
campaigning up to the present time. I take great pleasure and pride 
in acknowledging your ability and success as a commanding officer, 
and if I can at any time be of service to yourself I trust you will not 
fail to call upon me as a friend. " With high esteem, I subscribe 
myself. 

Yours sincerely, 
(Signed) 0. 0. HOWARD, Maj.-Gen. 



TESTIMONY OF GEN. HOWAHD. 253 

TIlis letter was sent to General Blair voluntarily by 
General Howard, and was quite unusual and out of 
the military w^ay. It was doubtless p-oinpted by the 
peculiar circumstances growing out of General 
Howard's assignment to command of the Army of 
the Tennessee, which met considerable opposition 
and jealousy, but in which he was warmly sustained 
by General Blair at a time he regarded as very 
trying. 



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256 APPEITDIX. 

peace and criminals, and to this end lie may allow local civil 
tribunals to take jurisdiction of and to try offenders, or, when in his 
judgment it may be necessary for the trial of offenders, he shall 
have power to organize military commissions or tribunals for that 
purpose; and all interference under color of State authority with the 
exercise of military authority under this act shall be null and void. 

Sec. 4, Andbeit further enacted. That all persons put under military 
arrest by virtue of this act shall be tried without unnecessary delay, 
and no cruel or unusual punishment shall be inflicted; and no 
sentence of any military commission or tribunal hereby authorized, 
affecting the life or liberty of any person, shall be executed until it is 
approved by the officer in command of the district; and the 
laws and regulations for the government of the army shall not' 
be affected by this act, except in so far as they conflict with its 
provisions: Provided, That no sentence of death under the provi- 
sions df this act shall be carried into effect without the approval of 
the President. 

Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That when the people of any one 
of said rebel States shall have formed a constitution of government 
in conformity with the Constitution of the United States in aU 
respects, framed by a convention of delegates elected by the male 
citizens of said State twenty-one years old and upward, of whatever 
race, color, or previous condition, who have been resident in said 
State for one year previous to the day of such election, except such 
as may be disfranchised for participation in the rebellion or for 
felony at common law; and when such constitution shall provide 
that the elective franchise shall be enjoyed by all such persons as 
have the qualitications herein stated for electors of delegates, and 
when such constitution shall be ratified by a majority of the persons 
voting on the question of ratification who are qualified as electors 
for delegates, and when such constitutions shall have been sub- 
mitted to Congress for examination and approval, and Congress 
shall have approved the same, and when said State, by a vote of its 
legislature elected under said constitution, shall have adopted the 
amendment to the Constitution of the United States, proposed by the 
thirty-ninth Congress, and known as article fourteen, and when said 
article shall have become a part of the Constitution of the United 
States, said State shall be declared entitled to representation in 
Congress, and Senators and Representatives shall be admitted there- 
from on their taking the oath prescribed by law, and then and 
thereafter the preceding sections of this act shall be inoperative in 
said State : Provided, That no person excluded from the privilege of 
holding office by said proposed amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States shall be eligible to election as a member of the conven- 
tion to frame a constitution for any of said "rebel States, nor shall 
any such person vote for members of such convention. 

Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That until the people of said 
rebel States shall be by law admitted to representation in the 
Congress of tho United States, any civil governments which may 



CONGRESSIONAL KECOXSTJKTJOTION. 2>7 

exist therein shall be deemed provisional only, and in all respects 
sul)ject to tlie paramount authority of the United States at any time 
to abolish, modify, control, or supersede the same; and in all elec- 
tions to any office under such provisional govomments all persons 
shall be entitled to vote, and none others, wlio are entitled to vote 
under the provisions of the lifth section of this act; and no person 
shall be eligible to any office under any such provisional governments 
who would be disqualified from holding office under the provisions 
of the third article of said constitutional amendment. 

Passed over the Veto, March 2, 1867. 



THE FOURTEEXTH AMENDMENT, 

The following is the Amendment to the Constitution of the United 
States referred to in section five of the above act 

ARTICLE XTY. 

Section' 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, 
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United 
States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or 
enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of 
citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State deprive any person 
of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to 
any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 

Sec. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several 
States according to tneir respective numbers, counting the whole 
number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But 
when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors lor 
President and Yice-President of the United States, representativ^es 
in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the 
members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male 
uihabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens 
of the United States, or in any way abridged, exceut for participa- 
tion in rebellion c other crime, the basis of representation therein 
shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male 
citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty^no 
years of age in such State. 

Sec. 3. No person shall be a senator or representative in Congress 
or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or 
military, under the United States, or under any State, who having 
previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer 
of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as 
an executive or judicial officer of any Slate, to support the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, shall have engaged in iusurrectiou or 
rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies 



258 APPENDIX. 

thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each house, 
remove such disability. 

Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt oftlie United States, autho- 
rized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and 
bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall 
not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall 
assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection 
or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or 
emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and 
claims shall be held illegal and void. 

Seo. 5. That Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate 
legislation, the provisions of this article. 

Resolution proposing passed June 13, 1866. 



THE FIRST SUPPLEMENTARY RECONSTRUCTION ACT. 

Passed ovtr the Veto, March 23, 1867. 

AN ACT supplementary to an act entitled " An act to provide for 
the more efficient government of the rebel States," passed March 
two, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and to facilitate restoration. 
Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, That before the first 
day'of September, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, the command- 
ing general in each district, defined by an act entitled " An act to 
provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States," pass- 
ed March second, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, shall cause a 
registration to be made of the male citizens of the United States, 
twenty-one years of age and upward, resident in eacii county or 
parish in the State or States included in his district, which registra- 
tion shall include only thpse persons who are qualified to vote for 
delegates by the act aforesaid, and who shall have taken and sub- 
scribed to the following oath or atfirmation : " I, , do sol- 
emnly swear (or affirm), in the presence of Almighty God, that 

I am a citizen of the State of ; that I have resided in 

said State for months next preceding this day, and now 

reside in the county of , or parish of , in said State 

(as the case may be) ; that I am twenty-one years old ; that I have 
not been disfranchised for participation in any rebellion or civil war 
against' the United States, nor for felony committed against tiio 
laws of any State or of the United States ; that I have never been 
a member of any State legislature, nor held any executive or judicial 
office in any State, and afterward engaged in insurrection or rebel- 
lion against the United States or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
thereof; that I have never taken an oath as a member of Congress 
of the United States, or as an officer of the United States, or as a 
member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer 



CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRrCTIOX. 259 

of any State, to support the Constitution of the Unitod States, and 
afterward en!2:aged in insurrection or rebellion against the United 
States or given ail or comfort to tlie enemies thereof; that I will 
faithfully support the Constitution and obey the laws of the United 
States, and will, to the best of ni}'- abilit}^, encourage others so to do, 
so help me God;" which oath or affirmation may bo administered by 
any registering officer. 

Sec. 2. And he it further enacted, That after the completion of the 
registration hereby provided f()r in any State, at such time and places 
therein as the commanding general shall appoint and direct, of which 
at least thirty days' public notice shall be given, an election shall bo 
held of delegates to a convention for the purpose of establishing a 
constitution and civil government for such State loyal to the Union, 
said convention in each State, except Virginia, to consist of the same 
number of members as the most numerous branch of the State legis- 
lature of such State in the year eighteen hundred and sixty, to be 
apportioned among the several districts, counties, or parishes of such 
State by the commanding general, giving to each representation in 
the ratio of voters registered as aforesaid as nearly as maybe. The 
convention in Virginia shall consist of the same number of members 
as represented the territory now constituting Virginia in the most 
numerous branch of the legislature of said State in the year eighteen 
hundred and sixty, to be apportioned as aforesaid. 

Sec. 3. And he it further enacted, That at said election the register- 
ed voters of each State shall vote for or against a convention to form a 
constitution therefor under this act. Those voting in favor of such 
a convention shall have written or printed on the ballots by which 
they vote for delegates, as aforesaid, the words "For a convention," 
and those voting against such a convention shall have written or 
printed on such ballots the words " Against a convention." The 
persons appointed to superintend said election, and to make return 
of the votes given thereat, as herem provided, shall count and make 
return of the votes given for and against a convention ; and the 
commanding general to whom the same shall have been returned 
shall ascertain and declare the total vote in each State for and 
against a convention. If a majority of the votes given on that 
question shall be for a convention, then such convention shall be 
held as hereinafter provided ; but if a majority of said votes shall 
be against a convention, then no such convention shall be held 
under this act ; Provided, That such convention shall not be held 
unless a majority of all such registered voters shall have voted on 
the question of holding such convention. 

Sec. 4. And he it further enacted^ That the commanding general of 
each district shall appoint as many boards of registration as may be 
necessary, consisting; of three loyal officers or persons, to make and 
complete the registration, superintend the election, and make return 
to hi'u of the votes, lists of voters, and of the persons elected as 
delegates by a plurality of the votes cast at said election ; and upon 
receiving said returns he shall open the same, ascertain the persons 



260 APPENDIX. 

elected as delegates according to the returns of the ofiBcers who 
conducted said election, and make proclamation thereof; and if a 
majority of the votes given on that question shall be for a conven- 
tion, the commanding general, within sixty days from the date of 
election, shall notify the delegates to assemble in convention at a 
time and place to be mentioned in the notification, and said conven- 
tion, when organize'!, shall proceed to frame a constitution and civil 
government according to the provisions of this act, and the act to which 
it is supplementary ; and when the same shall have been so framed, 
said constitution shall be submitted by the convention for ratification 
to the persons registered under the provisions of this act at an 
election to be conducted by the officers or persons appointed or to be 
appointed by the commanding general, as hereinbefore provided, and 
to be held after the expiration of thirty days from the date of notice 
thereof, to be given by said convention;, and the returns thereof 
shall be made to the commanding gejieral of the district. 

Sec. 5. And he it further enacted, That if, according to said returns, 
the constitution shall be ratified by a majority of the votes of register- 
ed electors qualified as herein specified, cast at said election (at 
least one-half of all the registered voters voting upon the question 
of such ratification), the president of the convention shall transmit a 
copy of the same, duly certified, to the President of the United 
States, who shall forthwith transmit the same to Congress, if then iu 
session, and if not in session, then immediately upon its next 
assembling, and if it shall moreover appear to Congress that the 
election was one at which all the registered and qualified electors 
in the State had an opportunity to vote freely, and without restraint, 
fear, or the infiuouce of fraud, and if Congress shall be satisfied that 
such constitution meets the approval of a majority of all the qualified 
electors in the State, and if the said constitution shall be declared by 
Congress to be in conformity with the provisions of the act to which 
this is supplementary, and the other provisions of said act shall 
have been complied with, and the said constitution sliall be approved 
by Congress, the State shall be declared entitled to representation, 
and Senators and Representatives shall be admitted therefrom as 
therein provided. 

Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That all elections in the States 
mentioned in the said "Act to provide for the more efficient govern- 
ment of the rpbel State"," shall, during the operation of said act, be 
by ballot; and all officers making the said registration of voters 
and condpcting said elections shall, before entering upon the dis- 
charge of their duties, take and subscribe to the oath prescribed by 
the act approved July 2, 1862, entitled " An act to prescribe an oath 
of office." Provided, That if any person shall knowingly and falsely 
take and subscribe any oath in this act prescribed, such person so 
offending and being thereof duly convicted, shall be subject to the 
pains, penalties, and disabilities which by law are provided for tlie 
punishment of the crime of wilful and corrupt perjury. 

Sec. 1. And be it further enacted, That all expenses incurred by the 



CONGRESSIONAL EECONSTKUCTION. 261 

several commanding generals, or by virtue of any orders issued, or 
appointments made, by them, under or by virtue of this act, shall 
be paid out of any moneys in the treasury not otherwise appro- 
priated. 

Sec. 8. And he it further enacted, That the convention for each 
State shall prescribe the fees, salary, and compensation to be paid 
to all delegates and other officers and agents herein authorized or 
necessary to carry into effect the purposes of this act not herein 
otherwise provided for, and shall provide for the levy and collection 
of such taxes on the property in such State as may be necessary to 
pay the same. 

Sec. 9. And he it further enacted, That the word article, in the 
sixth section of the act to which this is supplementary, shall be con- 
strued to mean section. 

Passed over the Veto March 23, 1867. 



THE SECOND SUPPLEMENTARY RECONSTRUCTION ACT. 

AN ACT supplementary to an act entitled " An act to provide for 
the more efficient government of the rebel States," passed on the 
second day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and the 
act supplementary thereto, passed on the twenty-third day of 
March, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven. 

Be it enacted hj the Senate and Housn of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled. That it is hereby declared to 
have been the true intent and meaning of tlie act of the second day 
of March, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven, entitled " An 
act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States," 
and of the act supplementary thereto, passed on the twenty-third day 
of March, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven, 
that the governments then existing in the rebel States of Virginia, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama, 
Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas, were not legal State 
governments ; and that thereafter said governments, if continued, 
were to be continued subject in all respects to the military com- 
manders of the respective districts, and to the param9uut authority 
of Congress. 

Sec. 2. And he it further enacted, That the commander of any 
district named in said act shall have power, sul)ject to the disap- 
proval of the General of the army of the United States, and to have 
effect till disapproved; whenever in the opinion of such corarannler 
■ the proper administration of such act shall require it, to suspend or 
remove from office, or from the performance of official duties and the 
exercise of official powers, any officer or person holding or exercis- 
ing, or profes-ing to hold or exercise, any civil or military office or 
duty in such district under any power, eleccion, appointuient, or 



262 APPENDIX. 

authority derived from, or granted bj, or claimed under, any so- 
called State or the government thereof, or any municipal or other 
division thereof; and upon such suspension or removal, such com- 
mander, subject to the disapproval of tlie General as aforesaid, shall 
h'lve power to provide from time to time for the performance of the 
said duties of such officer or person so suspended or removed, by the 
detail of some competent officer or soldier of the army, or by the 
appointment of some other person, to perform the same, and to fill 
vacancies occasioned by death, resignation, or otherwise. 

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, Th at the General of the army of 
the United States shall be invested with all the powers of suspension, 
removal, appointment, and detail granted in the preceding section to 
district commanders. 

Sec. 4. And be it fiirther enacted, That the acts of the officers of 
the army already done in removing in said districts persons exercis- 
ing the functions of civil officers, and appointing others in tlieir stead, 
are hereby confirmed: Provided, That any person heretofore or 
hereafter appointed by any district commander to exercise the 
functions of any civil office may be removed either by the military 
officer in command of the district, or by the General of the army. 
And it shall be the duty of such commander to remove from office, 
as aforesaid, all persons who are disloyal to the government of the 
United States, or who use their official influence in any manner to 
hinder, delay, prevent, or obstruct the due and proper administration 
of this act and the acts to which it is supplementary. 

Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the boards of registration 
provided for in the act entitled " An act supplementary to an act 
entitled ' An act to provide for the more efficient government of the 
rebel States,' passed March two, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, 
and to facilitate restoration," passed March twenty-three, eighteen 
hundred and sixty-seven, shall have power, and it shall be their 
duty before allowing the registration of any person, to ascertain, 
upon such facts or information as they can obtain, whether such 
person is entitled to be registered under said act, and the oath 
required by said act shall not be conclusive on such question, and no 
person shall be registered unless such board shall decide that he is 
entitled thereto ; and such board shall also have power to examine 
under oath, to be administered by any member of such board, any 
one touching the qualification of any person claiming registration, but 
in every case of a refusal by the board to register an applicant, and 
in every case of striding his name from the list as hereinafter pro- 
vided, the board shall make a note or memorandum, which shall be 
returned with the registration list to the Commanding General of the 
district, setting forth the grounds of such refusal, or such striking 
from the list. Provided, That no person shall be disqualified as a 
member of any board of registration by reason of race or color. 

Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the true intent and meaning 
of the oath prescribed in said supplementary act is, among other 
things, that no person who has been a member of the Legislature of 



CONGRESSIONAL KECONSTRUCTION. 263 

any Stale, or -who has held any executive or judicial oflRce in any 
State, whether he has taken an oath to support the Constitution of 
the United States or not, and whether he was holding such office at 
the commencement of the rebellion, or had held it before, and who 
was afterward engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the 
United States or givijig aid or comfort to the enoniies thereof, is 
entitled to be registered or to vote, and the words '' executive or 
judicial office in any State " in said oath mentioned, shall be construed 
to include all civil offices created by law for the admiuistrationof any 
general law of a State or for the administration of justice. 

Sec. 7. And be it farther enacted^ That the time for completing the 
original registration, provided for in said act may, in the discretion 
of the commander of any district, be extended to the 1st day of Octo- 
ber, 1867, and the boards of registration shall have power, and it 
shall be their duty, commencing fourteen days prior to any election 
under said act, and upon reasonable public notice of the time and 
place thereof, to revise, for a period of five days, the registration list, 
and upon being satisfied that any person not entitled thereto has 
been registered, to strike the name of snch person from the fist, 
and such persons shall not be allowed to vote. And such board 
shall, also, during the same period add to such registry the names 
of all persons who at that time possess the qualifications required by 
said act, who have not been already registered, and no person shall 
at any time be entitled to be registered or to vote by reason of any 
executive pardon or amnesty for any act or thing which, without 
such pardon or amnesty, would disqualify him from registration or 
voting. 

Sec. 8. And he it further enacted. That section four of said last- 
named act shall be construed to authorize the commanding general 
named therein, whenever he shall deem it needful, to remove any 
member of a board of registration and to appoint another in his stead, 
and to fill any vacancy in such board. 

Sec. 9. And ie it further enacted, That all members of said boards 
of registration, and all persons hereafter elected or appointed to 
office in said military districts under any so-called State or munici- 
pal authority, or by detail or appointment of the district commanders, 
shall be required to take and to subscribe the oath of office pre- 
scribed by law for officers of the United States. 

Sec. 10. And he it further enacted, That no district commander or 
member of the board of rogistration, or any of the officers or 
appointees acting under them shall be bound in his action by any 
opinion of any civil officer of the United States. 

Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That all the provisions of this 
act and the acts to which this is supplementary, shall be construed 
liberally, to the end that all the intents thereof may be fully and 
perfectly carried out. 

Passed over the Veto, July 19, 1867. 



2(J4: APPENDIX. 



THE THIRD SUPPLE M:EITT ART RECOXSTRUGTION ACT. 

AN" ACT to amend the act passed March twenty-third, eightee^ 
hundred and sixty-seven, entitled " An act supplementary to ' An 
act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States,' 
passed March second, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and to 
faclHtate their restoration." 

Be it enacted by the Senate and -Rouse of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter any election 
authorized by the act passed March twenty-three, eighteen hundred 
and sixty-seven, entitled " An act supplementary to ' An act to pro- 
vide for the more efficient government of the rebel States,' passed 
March two [second], eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and to facili- 
tate their restoration," shall be decided by a majority of the votes 
actually cast ; and at the election in which the question of the adoption 
or rejection of any constitution is submitted, any person duly regis- 
tered in the State may vote in the election district where he offers 
to vote when he has resided therein for ten days next preceding such 
election, upon presentation of his certificate of registration, his affi- 
davit, or other satisfactory evidence, under such regulations as the 
district commanders may prescribe. 

Sec, 2. And be it further enacted. That the constitutional convention 
of any of the States mentioned in the acts to which this is amenda- 
tory, may provide that at the time of voti:jg upon the ratification of 
the constitution the registered voters may vote also for members of 
the House of Representatives of the United States, and for all elec- 
tive officers provided for by the said constitution ; and the same elec- 
tion officers who shall make the return of the votes cast on the 
ratification or rejection of the constitution, shall enumerate and 
certify the votes cast for members of Congress. 

Became an Act, March 10, 186S, by expiration of constitutional ten 
days. 



THE ARKANSAS ACT. 

AN ACT to admit the State of Arkansas to representation in Con- 
gress. 

"Whereas, The people of Arkansas, in pursuance of the provi- 
sions of an act entitled " An act for the more efficient government 
of the rebel States," passed March second, eighteen hundred and 
sixty-seven, and the acts supplementary tliereto, have framed and 
adopted a constitution of State government which is republican in 
form, and the Legislature of said State has duly ratified the amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United States, proposed by the 
XXXIXth Congress and known as Ai'ticle 1-i : Therefore — 



CONGKESSIONAL KECONSTRTJCTION. 265 

Be it enacted hy the Senate and Hoiise of Representalives of the Vm't'?d 
States of Am-erica, in Congress assembled, That tlie State of Arkansas 
is entitled and admitted to repre-entation in Congress as one of the 
States of the Union upon the following futidamontal condition : 
That tlie constitution of Arkansas shall never be so amended or 
changed as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens in the United 
States of the right to vote who are entitled to vote by the constitu- 
tion herein recognized, except as a punishment for such crimes as 
are now felonies at common law, whereof thev have been duly con- 
victed under laws equally applicable to all the inhabitants of <nii\ 
State ; provided, that any alteration of said constitution, prospective 
in its effect, may be made in regard to time and place of residence of 
the voters. 

Passed over the Veto, June, 1868. 



"THE OMNIBUS BILL." 

AN ACT to admit the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Louisiana, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida to representation iu 
Congress. 

■Wrereas, The people of North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, 
Georgia, Alabama, and Florida have, in pursuance of an Act en- 
titled " An Act for the' more efficient government of the rebel 
States," passed March second, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, 
and the acts supplementary thereto, framed constitutions of State 
government which are republican, and have adopted said consti- 
tuions by large majorities of the votes cast at the election held for 
the ratification or rejection of tlie same : Therefore — 

Sectiox 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America, in Congress assembled. That each of tho 
States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, Ala- 
bama, and Florida, shall be entitled and admitted to representation in 
Congress as a State of the Union when the Legislature of such State 
shall have duly ratified tlie amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, proposed by the Tl^rty-ninth Congress, and known as 
article fourteen, upon the following fundamental conditions: That 
the constitutions of neither of said States shall ever be so amended 
or changed as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens in the United 
States of the right to vote, who are entitled to vote in said State by 
the constitution thereof herein recognized, except as punishment for 
such crimes as are now felonies at common law, whereof they shall 
have been duly convicted under laws equally applicable to all the 
inhabitants of said States ; provided that alterations of said constitu- 
tions, prospective in its effect, may be made in regard to time and 
place of residence of the voters; and the State of Georgia shall only 
be entitled and admitted to representation upon this further fundit- 
meutal condition : that the first and third subdivisions of section 
seventeen of the fifth article of the constitution of Baid State, except 
12 



266 APPENDIX. 

the proviso to the first subdivision, shall be null and void, and that 
the General Assembly of said State by solemn public act shall 
declare the assent of the State to the foregoing fundamental con- 
dition. 

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That if the day fixed for the 
meeting of the Legislature of either of said States by the constitu- 
tion thereof shall have passed, or shall have so nearly arrived before 
the passage of this act that there shall not be time for the Legisla- 
ture to assembl eat the time fixed by the convention of said State, 
such Legislature shall convene at the end of twenty days from the 
time this act takes efiect, unless the Governor shall sooner convene 
the same. 

Sec. 3. And he it f>xriher enacted, That the first section of this 
act shall take effect as to each State, except Georgia, when such 
State by its Legislature duly ratify article 14 of the amendment to 
the Constitution of the United States proposed by the Thirty-ninth 
Congress, and as to the State of Georgia, when it shall, in addition, 
give the assent of said State to the fundamental condition herein- 
before imposed upon the same ; but no person prohibited from hold- 
ing office under the United States or under any State by section 
three of the proposed ameudment to the Constitution of the United 
States, known as article 14, shall be deemed eligible to any office 
in either of said States, unless relieved from disabiUty as provided 
in said amendment. And it is hereby made the duty of the Presi- 
dent, within ten days after receiving official information of the rati- 
fication of said amendment by the Legislature of either of the States, 
to issue a proclamation announcing that fact. 

Passed over the Veto, June 25, 1868. 



EECOlSrSTEUCTIOI^ STATISTICS. 



THE DISTRICT COMMANDANTS. 

On the passage of the Reconstruction act Of March 2, 1867, over 
his veto, the President appointed commandants for the several 
military districts, and these original appointments, with those after- 
ward made from various causes, stand thus : 

First Military District (State of Virginia), Bvt. Maj.-Gen. J. M. 
Schofield, assigned, March 11, 1867; assumed command, March 13, 
1867 ; confirmed as Secretary of War, March 29, 1868; succeeded by 
Bvt. Maj.-Gen. Geo. Stoneman, assigned, June 1, 1868; assumed 
command, June 2, 1868. Head-quarters, Richmond, Va. 

Second Military District (States of North Carolina and South 
Carolina), Maj.-Gen. D. E. Sickles, assigned, March 11, 1867; as- 
sumed command, March 21, 1867; relieved, Sept. 1, 1867, by Maj.- 
Gen. E. R. Canby, assigned by order dated August 26, 1867. Head- 
quarters, Charleston, S. C. 



CONGRESSIONAL EECONSTRUCTION. 



267 



Third MUitary District (States of Georgia, Alabapaa, and Florida)? 
Maj.-Gen. Geo. H. Thomas, assigned, March 11, 1867; relieved at 
own request, March 15, 1867, and succeeded by Bvt. Maj.-Gen. Jno. 
Pope, assigned same day; assumed command, April 1, 1867; reheved, 
Dec. 28. 1867 ; succeeded by Maj.-G^n. Gea G. Meade, assigned 
same day ; assumed command, Jan. 6, 1868. Head-quarters, Atlanta, 
Ga. 

Fourth Military District (States of Mississippi and Arkansas), Bvt. 
Maj.-Gen. E. 0. C. Ord, assigned, March 11, 1867 ; assumed command, 
March 26, 1867 ; relieved, Dec. 28, 1867, by Bvt. Maj.-Gen. A. C. 
Gillem, assigned to duty till arrival of Bvt. Maj.-Gen. Irwin McDowell, 
who assumed command, June, 1868 ; relieved at own request, July 1, 
1868, and succeeded by Bvt. Maj.-Gen. A. C. Gillem same day. 

Fifth Military Didrict (States of Louisiana and Texas), Maj.-Gen. 
P. H. Sheridan, assigned, March 11, 1867 ; relieved, Sept. 1, 1867, fcy 
order of Aug. 17, 1867, which appointed Maj.-Gen. Geo. H. Thomas 
to succeed. That officer's health being certified to as not permitting 
him to go south, Maj.-Gen. W. S. Hancock was, by order dated August 
26, 1867, appointed in his stead, the officer next in rank to Gen. Sheri- 
dan (Gen. Griffin) to command till his arrival. Gen. Griffin died, Sept. 
16, 1867, and Bvt. Maj.-G^n. Mower assumed command same day, 
holding till Nov. 29, 1867, when Gen. Hancock assumed command ; 
relieved, at own request, and succeeded by Bvt. Maj.-Gen. R C. 
Buchanan, March, 1868. Head-quarters, New Orleans. 



PERSONS REGISTERED AS VOTERS IN THE SOUTH 
UNDER THE RECONSTRUCTION ACTS. 



STATE. 



61,295 
43,470 
11,914 
96,333 
45^218 
59,330 
106,721 
46,882 
59,633 
Virginia^ 120,101 



Alabama, 

Arkansas, 

Florida, 

Georgi:i, 

Louisiana, 

Mississippi,. 

North Carolina,, 
South Carolina, 
Texas, . 



"Whites. Negroes. 



Total. 



104,518 
23,361 
16,089 
95,168 
84,436 
80,360 
72,932 
80,550 
49,497 

105,832 



AffErregrate, 



165,813 
60,831 
28,003 
191,501 
129,654 
139,690 
179,653 
127,432 
109,130 
225,933 



650,897 712,743 1,363,640 79,468 141,314 
650,897 79,468 



White 
Maj. 



20,109 
1,165 

33,789 

10,136 
14,269 



Negro 
Maj. 



43,223 

4,175 

39,218 
21,030 

33,668 



Negro Majority, . 



,61,846 61,846 



268 APPENDIX 

VOTE ON THE QUESTION OP CONVENTION. 



STATE. 


For a 
Conven- 
tion. 


Asrainst a 
Conven- 
tion. 


Not 
Voting. 


Vote for a convention 

more or less than a 

majority of the total 

registered vote. 




More. 


Less. 


Alabama 

Arkansas 

Florida 

Georgia 


90,283 

27,576 

14,300 

102,283 

■• 75,083 

69,739 

93,006 

68,768 

44,689 

107,342 


5,583 

13,558 

203 

4,127 

4,006 

6,277 

32,961 

2,278 

11,440 

61,887 


69,947 
25,697 
13,500 
85,091 
50,565 
63,67i 
53,686 
56.386 
53,001 
56,704 


7,376 

298 

6,532 

10,255 

3,179 
5,051 


5,840 


Louisiana 

Mississippi 

North Carolina . . . 
South Carolina . . . 
Texas 


lOT 

9,877 


Virginia 


5,625 






Total 


693,069 


142,320 


528,251 


32,691 


21,449 



Note. — -The large number of those not voting arises from the fact that at the 
time of these convention elections the whites very generally kept away from the 
polls, the reconstruction acts at that time rendering this course equivalent to 
voting against a convention. Those voting for convention were almost entirely 
negroes, as may be better seen in the annexed table of the vote by race, in thoso 
seven of the ten Southern States where the vote was so kept. 



THE CONVENTION VOTE BY RACE. 





For a Convention. 


Against a Convention. 


STATE. 


Whites. 


Negroes. 


Whites. 


Negroes. 


Alabama 


18,553 
• 1,220 

32,000 

31,284 
2.350 
7,'757 

14,835 


71,730 
13,080 
70,283 
61,722 
66,418 
36,932 
92,507 


61,249 
203 

4,000 
32,961 

2,278 
10,622 
61,249 


None. 


Florida 


u 


Georgia 

North Carolina 


127 
None. 


South Carolina 




Texas 


818 


Virginia 


638 






Total 


107,999 


412.672 
107,999 


172,562 
1,583 


1,583 


Majority 






304,673 


170,979 





CONGKESSIOKAL RECONSTRUCTION. 



269 



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270 



APPENDIX. 



YGTE OiT RATIFICATION OF THE RECONSTRUCTED CON- 
STITUTION. 



STATE. 


Election. 


For. 


Agst. 


Over or under maj, 
registered vote. 




Over. 


Under. 


Alabama 

Arkansas 

Florida 

Georgia 

Louisiana 

Mississippi. . . . 
North Carolina 
South Carolina 


Feb. 4-8, 1868. 
March 13, 1868. 
May 4-6, 1868. 
April 20-23, 1868. 
April 17-18, 1868. 
June 22- , 1868. 
April 21-23, 1868. 
April 14-16, 1868. 


69.807 
27,913 
14,520 
89,007 
66.152 
56,231 

92,590 

70,758 


1,005 
26,597 

9,491 
71,309 
48,739 
63,860 
71,820 
27,288 




1,324 


15,609 

8,970 

1,230 

16,993 

21,445 


6, oil' ' 


5,847 



Note. — Texas has not as yet had any reconstructed constitution framed for 
her, and in Virginia no time lias been set for election on the one there formed. 



State. 



THE RECONSTRUCTED GOYERNORS. 

Governor. 



Alabama TV^m. H. Smith, of Alabama. 

Arkansas Powell Clayton, of Pennsylvania. 

Florida Harrison Reed, of Wisconsin. 

Georgia Rufus B. Bullock, of Connecticut. 

Louisiana Henry C. Warmoth, of Illinois. 

North Carolina Wm. W. Holden, of North Carolina. 

South Carolina Robt. K. Scott, of Pennsylvania. 

Of the above Smith was Chief of Registration in Alabama ; Clayton 
had a command in the Kansas troops during the war : Reed is the 
special mail agent of the P. 0. department for Alabama and Florida; 
Bullock has been an express agent for some years past in Georgia ; 
"Warmoth was an officer of Missouri troops and acted as Butler's 
provost-marshal in New Orleans ; Holden Avas the pro\isional gover- 
nor of North Carolina under the presidential policy of reconstruction ; 
and Scott was a brigadier-general of Ohio troops and the commis- 
sioner of the Freedmeu's Bureau for North Carolina. In Louisiana 
a negro is Lieutenant-Governor, and in South Carolina another negro 
is Secretary of State. 



Arkansas. 



Florida. 



THE RECONSTRUCTED SENATORS. 

j Benj. F. Rice, of Minnesota. 
\ Alexander McDonald, of Kansas. 

j A. S. Welsh, of Michigan. 
"i T. W. Osborn, of New York. 

] W. P. Kellogg, of Illinois. 
] Jno. S. Harris, of Pennsvlvania. 

NORTH Carolina H" I>-^^^bott, of New Hampshire. 

{ Jno. Pool, of North Carohna. 
j F. A. Sawyer, of Massachusetts. 
( T. J. Robertson, of South Carohna. 

There have been no other reconstructed Senators elected. 



Louisiana. 



South Carolina. 



CONGRESSIONAL EEOONSTRUCTION. 



271 



THE EECONSTRUCTED CONGRESSMEN'. 

State. District. Name. 

Alabama I. ¥.W. Kellog, of Michigan. 

II. Chas. W. Buckley, of Mass. 
III. Benj. W. Norris, of Maine. 

. IV. Chas. W. Pierce, of Mass. 

V. Joseph W. Burk, of Ala. 

YI. . Thomas Haughey, of Scotland. 

Arkansas I. Logan H. Roots, of Illinois. 

II. James Hinds, of Minnesota. 

III. Thos. Bolles, of Arkansas. 

Florida I. Chas. M. Hamilton, of Wisconsin. 

Georgia I. J. W. Clift, of Mass. 

II. *Nelson Tift, of Georgia. 

III. Wm. P. Edwards, of Georgia. 

lY. Saml. F. Gove, of Mass. 

V. Chas. H. Prince, of Maine. 

YI. *Jno. H. Christy, of Georgia. 

YII. *P. M. B. Young, of Georgia. 

LouiSLiNA I. J. H. Sypher, of Penn. 

11. *Jas. Mann, of N. Y. 

III. Jos. P. Newsham, of K T. 

lY.' Michael Yidal, of France, 

Y. W. J. Blackburn, of Tennessee. 

North Carolina .... I. Jno. R. French, of New Hampshire. 

n. David Heaton, of Ohio. 

IIL Oliver H. Dockery, of North Carolina. 

lY. Jno. I. Dervees, of Indiana. 

Y. Israel G. Losh, of North Carolina. 

YI. *Israel Boyden, of Mass. 

YII. Alex. H. Jones, of North Carolina. 

South Carolina I. B. F. "Whittemore, of Mass. 

II. C. C. Bowen, of Rhode Island. 

III. Simon Corley, of South Carolina. 

lY. Jas. H. Goss, of South Carolina. 

Recapitulation. — 5 Democrats and 28 Radicals, total 33. Of 
these 17, or a majority, went South after the war. 



THE RECONSTRUCTED CONSTITUTIONS. 

The following synopsis will give an idea of the main provisions of 
the several constitutions framed for the Southern States under the 
reconstruction acts of Congress. 

REGISTRATION. 

By the reconstructed constitutions of Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, 
Mississippi, and Yirginiu, it is made the duty of the Legislature at 



272 ■ APPENDIX. 

its first session thereunder to provide by law for the registration of 
all electors. The reconstructed constitutions of Alabama, Georgia, 
Xorth Carolina, and South Carolina, prescribe that the same shall be 
done from time to time. 

SUFFRAGE AITO ELIGIBILITY TO OFFICE. 

In Alabama, Arkansas, and Mississippi, no one is to be a voter 
unless he will swear to " accept the civil and political equality of all 
men." In Florida, North Carolina, and Virginia the voter's oath is 
to support the constitutions of those States respectively, each of which 
recognize in express terras the same doctrine of civil and political 
equality. The voter's oath in G-eorgia is, that he has neither given nor 
received any thing to affect his own or another's vote. In Louisiana 
those who held civil or military office for a year or more under the 
Confederate government, secession editors or preachers, signers of a 
secession ordinance, registered enemies, and leaders of guerriUa bands 
are disfranchised. In South Carolina all now or hereafter to be 
disfranchised by the U. S. Constitution are disfranchised. In all these 
States it is proper to say that the power given the legislatures to 
pass registration laws carries with it the power to prescribe an oath 
of acceptance of the civil and political equality of all men as an in- 
dispensable prerequisite to suffrage. No person is to be disfranchised 
for felony committed when a slave, which gives a negro homicide, 
house-burner, ravisher, or robber the franchise, when a white man 
convicted of like offenses loses it. In Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, 
Mississippi, and Virginia, no one is eligible to office who will not 
swear that he accepts the civil and political equality of aU men. 

SOCIAL EQUALITY. 

In Alabama all citizens have " equal civil and political rights and 
public privileges." In Arkansas no citizen shall ever be deprived of 
any right, privilege, or immunity, nor exempted from any burden or 
duty on account of race, color, or previous condition. In Florida 
" there shall be no civil or political distinction." In Georgia " no 
laws shall be made or enforced which shall abridge the privileges or 
immunities of citizens of the United States," and " the social 
status of the citizen shall never be the subject of legislation." 
In Louisiana ** all persons shall enjoy equal rights and privi- 
leges upon any conveyance of a public character ; and all places 
of business, or of public resort, or for which a license is re- 
quired by either state, parish, or municipal authority, shall be 
deemed places of a public character, and shall be opened to the ac- 
commodation and patronage of all persons, without distinction or dis- 
crimination on account of race or color." In Mississippi no distinc- 
tion to be made on public conveyances. In South Carolina " all 
classes of citizens shall enjoy equally aU common public, legal, 
and political privileges." In Virginia " all citizens are to have 
equal civil and political rights and pubUc privileges." 

EDUCATION. 

AU distinction of races in schools is expressly forbidden in aU the 



CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION. 273 

reconstructed constitutions. In Arkansas, South Carolina, and North 
Carolina, education at the common schools is compulsory, unless 
private iuition is given. In the other States, boards of education 
with full legislative powers, ample to, in hke manner, compel attend- 
ance, have charge of the entire subject, choice of bqoks, selection of 
teachers, etc., and are empowered to levy taxes. 

MILITIA. 

In Alabama all able-bodied male inhabitants betweeen 18 and 45 
are subject to militia duty. In Arkansas no one is to be a militia- 
man who does not swear to accept the civil and political equality of 
all men. In Florida no religious scruples are to exempt unless the 
Legislature cays so. In Georgia able-bodied males between 18 and 
45, subject to the paramount authority of Congress. In Louisiana all 
militia officers must take the test oath. In Mississippi the militia 
must swear to accept the civil and political equality of all men, and 
the officers must take the test oath. In North Carolina able-bodied 
citizens 21 to 40. In South Carohna, same from 18 to 45. In Vir- 
ginia all able-bodied male persons between the ages of 18 and 45. 

VETO. 

By the reconstructed constitution of North Carolina there is no 
veto. In Alabama and Arkansas a majority can override the veto : 
in all the others the usual two-thirds. 

LEGISLATURES. 

In In Joint 

Senate, ffouse. House. 

Alabama, members 33 100 133 

Arkansas, " . . ; 26 82 103 

Florida, " , 24 53 77 

Georgia, " 44 175 219 

Louisiana, " 36 101 137 

Mississippi, " 33 107 140 

North Carolina, " ,...50 120 170 

South Carolma, " 32 124 176 

Virginia, " 43 138 181 

AMENDMENTS. 

In Alabama the reconstructed constitution can only be amended 
by a two-thirds vote of both houses of two successive Legislatures, 
necessarily occupying four years, and then by a majority vote of the 
people. In Arkansas one Legislature is to propose by a two-thirds 
vote, the amendment is then to be submitted to the people at the 
election for a second, and, if carried, this second Legislature is to 
submit it to the people the second time, " in such manner and at such 
time," as it may see fit. In Florida exactly the same procedure is to 
be had. In Georgia the constitution can only be carried by a two- 
thirds vote of two successive Legislatures, and by a submission to the 
voters for final ratification, no time for such submission being made 
imperative. In Louisiaaa cue Lci^islaturo is to propose by a two- 
12* 



274 ' APPENDIX. 

thirds vote, and at the election for the next the people are to ratify 
or reject. In Mississippi almost exactly the same provision, save 
that after the people have ratified, the second Legislature is to insert 
within its terra. In North Carolina any amendment must receive a 
three-fifths vote in the Legislature proposing, then a popular vote, 
then a two-thirds vote in the second Legislature, and then " said gen- 
eral assembly shall prescribe a mode" of submission thereof to the 
people. In Sbuth Carolina there is to be no ratification save on a 
two-thirds vote of the Legislature proposing, then a popular vote, and 
then a two-thirds vote by a second Legislature. In Virginia there 
must be a majority vote in two successive Legislatures and then a 
final submission to the people, " in such manner and at such time as 
the general assembly shall prescribe." These provisions, as will be 
seen, render any amendment almost impossible. 

STATES. ADMITTED INTO THE UNION. VOTE IN 1860. 

Alabama December 14, 1819 90,357 

Arkansas June 15, 1836. 54,053 

Florida March 3, 1845 14,34Y 

Georgia One of the Old Thirteen 106,365 

Louisiana Aprils, 1812 50,1qO 

Mississippi December 10, 1817 69,120 

North Carohna One of the Old Thirteen 96,230 

South Carolina '• " " 43,000 

Texas December 29, 1845 62,986 

Virginia One of the Old Thirteen 167^223 



Total 754,191 

SOUTHERN FINANCEJS. 

The subjoined table will be found to give the wealth of the ten 
reconstructed States in the year 1860 and the same item for six of 
the number in 1866. 

JReal Estate and Personal Property. 

1860. 1866. "^ 

Alabama $495,237,078 

Arkansas 219,256,473 38,723,449 

Florida 73,101,500 

Georgia 645,895,237 

Louisiana 602,118,568 225,000,000 

Mississippi 607,324,911 

North Carolina 358,739,399 150,000,000 

South Carolina 548,138,754 90,888,436 

Texas 365,200,614 120,793,763 

Virginia 793,249,681 327,580,561 



Total $4,708,262,215 952,986,209 

It will thus be seen that the wealth of these ten States was 
$4,708,262,215 in 1860. The wealth of Arkansas, Louisiana, North 



CONGRESSIONAL KECONSTIiUCTION. 



275 



Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, and Virginia at the same census waa 
$2,886,703,489. In 1866 that wealth was reduced to $952,986,209 
or to one-third of the value in 1860. 

LATEST ESTIMATE OP SOTJTHERU STATE DEBT. (Official.) 



Alabama 

Louisiana 

North Carolina 
South Carolina , 
Vii'ginia , 



$ 6,130,910 00 

12,852,601 14 

19,480,500 00 

8,576,320 44 

44,855,915 38 



November 12, 1867 
Juno 20, 1808. 
April 8, 1868. 
April 1, 1868. 
Juno 19, 1868. 



DATES OP THE ORDINANCES OF SECESSION. 

1. South Carolina December 20th, 1860. 

2. Mississippi January 9th, 1861. 

3. Alabama January 11th, 1861. 

4. Florida January 11th, 1861. 

5. Georgia January 19th, 1861. 

6. Louisiana January 20th, 1861. 

7. Texas February 1st, 1861. 

8. Virginia April 17tli, 1861. 

9. Arkansas May 9th, 1861. 

10. North Carolina May 20th, 1861. 

11. Tennessee June 8th, 1861. 

12. Missouri August 12th, 1861. 



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